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passes slowly behind a garden wal within which crouch the horror-stricke disciples. In a most vivid sense, how ever, the central figure was continuall present in the prominence of his follow



It is hard in such a presentation t measure the work of individuals. Mos of the cast reflected excellent training in a smoothness and continuity of acting unusual among amateurs, and severa showed real originality of conception But in retrospect single figures are los in the memory of brilliant masses. One left this performance of the Passion Play with the lasting impression that an old manuscript, precious through its jewel like illustrations, had been slowly un rolled before one's eyes.


for the University of Santa Clara, California, and since then presented twice in this country, in 1914 and 1917, in Buffalo. The recent performance under the direction of Mr. Eric Snowden, for years a member of Sir Herbert Tree's company, was given in the open air on an immense stage by several hundred actors, and these elements all helped to make its distinctive character that of a great spectacle.

But no mere pageant could have had the peculiar quality of those successive gorgeous stage pictures. Before the end of the second scene the spectator suddenly found himself thinking, "This is no play that I am looking at this is a mediæval illuminated copy of the Gospels." There was the same gleaming and sharp contrast of color, the intensely devotional spirit that lifts the old pictures of the monks into a sort of rarefied atmosphere, the same static effect of large groups held in delicate but inexorable symmetry. The balanced arrangement of the stage itself was the basis of this

impression. At extreme right and left rose a high dais reached by broad white steps and surmounted by a golden Roman chair flanked by two slender ebony pedestals. Between each dais and the wide proscenium one caught through a rounded gray stucco arch a glimpse of the bright awnings of an Oriental street. The action, almost continuous, was evenly apportioned among these settings, the most important parts of course taking place within the proscenium in the center.

It has been said that the figure of Christ nowhere appeared before the audience. By various means, however, his occasional presence was shown-a light shining behind an interposing crowd, shadows of palm branches cast on white house fronts, and shouts of Hosannah rising to the windows of the council chamber where one could see Caiaphas and the Jewish elders watching the triumphal procession in the street below. And, finally, with tremendous effect the upper part of a massive cross rising and sinking amid glittering Roman spear-points


THE end of the present summer marks the inauguration of a new enterprise started by Italy, the Fiera Navigante, on Sea-Traveling Fair.


For Italy the development and exten sion of foreign markets is a necessity. Hence a group of Italian merchants recently developed a plan for a com ::mercial crusade. They proposed to load a ship with samples of their taking them to Tunis, Algiers, Tangier, Lisbon, Barcelona, Marseilles, and so home-a voyage of about 2,700 miles. The buyers and merchants at each of these ports, and in the hinterland, will be asked to come aboard and inspect the goods shown. Sales from these samples are to be reported back by wireless: The price of a passenger's ticket is 5,000 lire about a thousand dollars to an Italian, but to an American $250 at present rates of exchange.

The Italian Government gave its, sanc tion to the plan, and the King put it on a practical basis by donating the royal yacht Trinacria (the Greek name for Sicily), a commodious vessel of 9,000 tons. All parts of it are utilized for exhibition purposes; each exhibitor may reserve one or more cubic spaces. The products must come in boxes not above certain dimensions. For those products exceeding ordinary dimensions, like motors and other machines, motion pictures on board will tell the story. The yacht is now ready to leave.

America proposes to try the same thing on a larger scale. On August 6 the Shipping Board sold the old Kronprinz of the North German Lloyd to a syndicate of merchants and promoters for a similar use to that which the Italians are going to use the Trinacria, "movies" included. But instead of the more modest Italian voyage, the Kronprinz under a new name will visit no less than forty countries, the trip occupying eleven months of

1921. The price of a passenger's ticket, WHERE POLAND STANDS ritory in order to forestall the forthcomit is said, will be $10,000.

As in Italy, so here the enterprise has the Government's sanction. The project is specially timely in view of our establishment of a great mercantile marine fleet. Of what use would that be if we had not markets?



T was recently announced that Germany had by treaty agreed to deliver forty thousand tons of coal a month to Switzerland. This is remarkable at a time when Germany complains that she cannot deliver coal to France, as she has sworn by treaty to do. But why should Switzerland buy coal? Her area is but half the size of the State of Maine, and yet in her small domain there are water-power resources of no less than 2,700,000 horse-power-enough to 1 run all her trains, turn every factory I wheel, light and heat all her houses, and perform every other electrical function. According to information furnished in connection with the borrowing here at 8 per cent of $25,000,000 by the Swiss Government, the Swiss are likely to do all these things in the near future, and thus to become the first country to equip all its public services with electricity.

The proceeds of this particular loan are to be used in the United States in preparing for the electrification of the Government railway system of Switzerland. The utilization of water power will effect large economies by substituting hydroelectric power for the fuel which Switzerland now has to buy at exorbitant rates. Incidentally it may be stated that the Swiss railways owned by the Government have had an excellent record; in normal years they have shown a substan=tial profit in excess of the annual requirements for interest and sinking funds.

Indeed, all Government operations in Switzerland have enjoyed high financial credit, as is proper when we consider that Switzerland, the oldest and yet most proIgressive of Republics, has for over six hundred years enjoyed the respect of the whole civilized world.


UNDER this heading, there appears

NDER this heading, there appears

personal information about the authors of contributed articles in this issue. This column will hereafter be a regular feature. At times it will wrest the mask of modesty from the shrinking author. But it is agreed at the outset that the column will not be "blurbily" conducted. With what neat euphony and merry splash it was that some wag dropped that word "blurb " into the vocabulary!


NCE more America finds her own liberty made safer by the bravery of a small European country. Six years ago it was Belgium. To-day it is Poland.

While the Poles, ill armed, ill fed, and ill governed, have been resisting, with despair succeeded by hope, the invasion of the Russian troops directed by a Bolshevist government, we Americans are living in the same sense of security that we had in 1914 when the Belgians were resisting the invasion of the German troops. If Belgium by some miracle had then succeeded in driving those German troops back into German territory and had been able to go on and occupy Berlin, we should have been spare, together with the rest of the world, unmeasured pain and loss. Can we imagine, under such circumstances, the British Government protesting that it had no intention of aiding Belgium? Can we imagine an American Government lecturing Belgium on the advisability of keeping well within her ethnographic frontier? Yet now, when Poland stands in much the same position as Belgium stood in 1914, resisting a despotism as relentless and unscrupulous as that of William the Second, the British Government proclaims that it does not intend to lift a hand in aid of Poland, and the American Government warns Poland that she must not go beyond the imaginary lines that are supposed to distinguish the true home of the Poles from

the home of their near relations.

In spite of Polish victories which have driven the Bolshevist invaders back, the security of the Polish barrier, which separates Bolshevist Russia from Pan-Germanist Germany, is by no means assured. If the Poles had been fighting only those who are distinctly Bolshevist, their task would have been heavy enough; but the Poles have not been fighting a purely Bolshevist army. The Russian troops that have been engaged in the attempt to crush Poland have been fighting, not only under the red flag of Bolshevism, but under the three-colored flag of nationalist Russia.

The Bolshevist leaders would not have lasted in Russia as long as they have if they had had to depend solely upon those who were loyal to purely Bolshevist doctrines. The Bolshevist leaders have shown their skill by using in the furtherance of their own schemes the Russian peasants' religious devotion and the Russian people's patriotism. The fact that the Bolsheviki are in theory and in purpose hostile both to religion and to patriotism does not prevent their using those forces for their own ends. It so happened that when the Poles inexpertly entered Russian ter

ing avowed Bolshevist invasion, there arose in Russia a call to the orthodox of the Russian Church to defend their religion against the onslaught of the Polish Roman Catholics.

As far as the purpose of the leaders of Russia is concerned, the war is a Bolshevist war upon the present social order and an attempt to find union with Germany for the sake of exploding Europe; but as far as thousands upon thousands of those in the Russian army are concerned, the war is a war between the Slavs of the Eastern Church against the Slavs of the Western Church.

Moreover, the ancient desire of Russia for Constantinople survives the old régime. That is not and never was a merely commercial desire. It is also religious. That branch of the Eastern Church which is known as the Russian Orthodox regards itself as the true inheritor of the holy city of Constantinople, which once rivaled Rome as the ecclesiastical center of Christendom. The recent news that the Bolsheviki have found a way through Armenia to contact with the Turkish nationalists indicates not only the great danger of an alliance between Bolshevism and Mohammedanism, but even more the chance for a reawakening of the religious desire of the Russian common people for the recovery of Constantinople to the Eastern Church.

It is a strange group of conflicting interests, conflicting passions, conflicting doctrines, that seems to be working toward an alliance to a common end. Bolshevism is seeking a junction with Germany for the sake of making Germany Bolshevist. Germany is seeking a junction with Russia for the sake of making Russia a treasure-house for Germany. Russian peasants, naturally anti-Bolshevist, are lending themselves in a measure to the Bolshevist aim by trying to beat down the Polish barrier because the Poles are Roman Catholics. Bolshevist Russia is seeking a union with the Turks in order to make a common cause against the free nations of Europe. Turkey is seeking a union with Bolshevism for the sake of releasing herself from the restraints imposed upon her after defeat. AntiBolshevist and anti-Mohammedan people of Russia are lending themselves to this plan because by this means access may be open to the ancient seat of their church.

No greater danger to the free peoples of the world could be conceived than a union of Russia, Germany, and Islam, and at present one of the chief physical obstacles to that union is a free and independent Poland.

Obviously, the Poles cannot stand against both Russia and Germany, and unless Poland is supported by the free peoples of the earth she will either have


to lose her independence or else buy it from Russia or Germany. That, we may guess, is what Pilsudski, Poland's President, may have been planning all this time to do. There are many Poles, themselves not pro-German, who would not hesitate to make any arrangement with Germany that would insure Poland's independence. The pressure on Poland, therefore, is not only from each side, but also from within. England refuses to lift a finger to help her, and America now lifts a finger only to shake it at her.

This is the situation in Eastern Europe to-day, and it will continue to be the situation whatever concessions Poland may secure from the Soviet Government at Moscow. The League of Nations, which was offered to Poland, as well as France, in the place of a secure military frontier, has proved powerless to help Poland. It seems to us idle in the face of these facts to talk about Polish imperialism. The only imperialism which the world has to fear is that against which Poland is one of the world's necessary defenses.



HEN Mr. Franklin Roosevelt was nominated for Vice-President on the Democratic ticket, there were many both within and without his party who believed that his nomination was politically wise and justified by his record. The Outlook has no desire to retract

anything which it has said concerning Mr. Roosevelt's splendid achievements as Assistant Secretary of the Navy during the war. That record is a completed book, and one of which any man might be proud to be the author.

We are beginning to wonder, however, whether the attainment of the nomination for the Vice-Presidency has steadied the judgment of the ex-Assistant Secretary of the Navy. In his campaign speeches, as reported by the daily press, Mr. Roosevelt certainly does not appear to advantage.

He has joined Governor Cox in loose charges that the Republicans intended to buy the election by the use of huge campaign funds. We have seen no adequate proof of these charges.

And now Mr. Roosevelt has uttered, according to despatches from Butte, Montana, the following defense of the League plan:

The Republicans are playing a shell game on the American people; they are still busy circulating the story that England has six votes to America's one.

It is just the other way. As a matter of fact, the United States has about twelve votes in the assembly. Until last week I had two of them myself, and now Secretary Daniels has them. You know, I have had something to do with the running of a couple of little republics.

Facts are that I wrote Haiti's constitution myself, and, if I do say it, I think it a pretty good constitution.

Mr. Roosevelt refers in his statement to Haiti, San Domingo, Panama, Cuba, and certain other Central and South American countries not easily identifiable. We can imagine fewer statements coming from a responsible public man better calculated to arouse hostility among our southern neighbors, or more surely calculated to destroy faith in America's disinterested desire to aid the smaller re

publics of the western hemisphere.


Have just finished reading the editorial," An Important Issue," and somehow feel that you have sidestepped a real issue and presented one not real. B.

I am not sure that I would not rather trust the liberties of the country in the hands of a President than in a knot of Senators.



HE question whether we will give our sanction to the claim of the President, indorsed by the Democratic party and by its Presidential candidate, Mr. Cox, that the President has power to control our foreign affairs "absolutely" is probably the most important issue in the present election.

In a country possessing representative government it is the function of the legis lative body to decide what the Nation shall do; it is the business of the Executive to do what the legislative body has directed. In Roman history the powers of the Senate gradually passed over to the Emperor; and the Roman government became an absolute despotism. In English history the power of the King gradually passed over to the House of Commons; the King still nominally appoints the Prime Minister; but he now always appoints as Prime Minister one who has been selected by the party in control in has become probably the most democratic the House of Commons; and England country on the globe-in some important respects more democratic than America.

The election of Mr. Cox, nominated by the influence of Tammany Hall politicians, and pledged to continue the foreign policy of Mr. Wilson, means another step toward the Roman goal. The election of Mr. Harding, nominated by the influence of a Senate committee and pledged to carry on the Government in harmony with the Senate, is another step toward the English goal.

The next step which the Nation takes in this election may be more important in its influence on the destiny of America and on the well-being of the world than the determination of the question on what terms and conditions and with what limitations and reservations it will enter into fellowship with other nations.




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HAT slaves we are to form and convention!" exclaimed the Young-Old Philosopher, stopping in to call again the other morning. Here it is midsummer, yet I see men walking the streets-those streets that are like bakers' ovens-with waistcoats tightly buttoned, and suits of wool, when they might go vestless and in linen or crash."

"But we're all afraid of the other fellow," we answered, hoping to make out a tiny case for poor humanity.

"And why?" he asked. "What is it that makes us foolishly timorous? The young girl who, in August, persists in wearing a fur-piece about her throat, fears, I suppose, that if she leaves it off her neighbors will think her suddenly impoverished. Is there no common sense left among us?



"Alas!" he went on, for I could say nothing, knowing how right he was, toil and spin through a certain number of hours each day, losing, in our mad rush for the almighty dollar, those spiritual contacts so necessary to our development. When the week-end comes, we dash, most of us, to some crowded beachbecause the other fellow leads the way! and broil and burn in the sun when we might be in a quieter place, cool and comfortable. I have seen people faint in railway stations in their wild pursuit of pleasure, so called, and I have pitied the lack of imagination that dares to name a sheep-like waiting in line for a ticket a form of joy. The lack of privacy in such proceedings is only one of its many discomforts; and the shocking pushing and shoving of an otherwise normal mortal has often made me wonder about our natural instincts. To have some regard for one's neighbor-that seems to me one of the fundamental principles in all have, nowadays, is a fear of what the ethical teaching; but the only regard we other fellow will think of us unless we go here and there, along with him, in desperately beaten tracks, too pitifully foolish to follow our own impulses.

"To appear very busy-about nothing-that seems to be the desideratum of your average man. To take a charming house in the country, and then instantly to motor away from it; to leave its velvet lawns, and green, refreshing trees, for the crowded highways where the sun beats down and the murmur of other madmen's whirring is loud in the land—that is what thousands of Americans do every year. They will fill their country drawingrooms with any kind of folk in order to make an impression on Mrs. So-and-so, down the lane, who perhaps has been able to corral only four guests, while they (chuckles of delight!) have ten. I have

even known them to forget the names of some of these invited professional entercainers from town. And they may never see them again; for there are profes-. sional guests in our much-vaunted civilization, just as there are professional hosts. One group breeds the other, you see-a natural progression; and, the process once started, there seems to be no stopping it.

AST week some

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yet their need to have the nearest thing wish that the Navy Club go on?" Their

L gobs," from the American fleet possible to home. What better influence opinion was voiced by Captain Robin

that is now in the harbor, visited

New York City every day.

"You can buy the movies and the theaters, but you can't buy a home." So said one of them.

"Gee! We had a glorious time last night," said another.


"What was the play?" he was asked. Why, we didn't go to the theater at all. It was too wonderful where we were. Mrs. asked whether we wanted to go to the theater or stay where we were, and we all wanted to stay."

Sixty per cent of the present gobs are younger than has hitherto been the case. They come from afar, for the most part from Western and Southern homes-little country towns. While they are waiting for their ships or when the ships come back the boys are given shore liberty.

Movies are surely interesting; but after the movies, what next?

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can they have than a club which they can call their own, where they have their own committees to make house rules; a club paid for by the members and free from all unnecessary restraint and regulation; a club to provide home environment, with sleeping and canteen facilities for men on liberty; a refuge from the street; a safeguard against disease; a place providing beds and meals at reasonable prices; a headquarters for men where they can find their mail, meet their friends, ascertain what is going on, even to which they can bring their troubles?-in other words, a kind of repair shop and home.

Accordingly in July, 1917, the Navy Club was started for the enlisted men of the Navy and Marine Corps. A floor of an office building on Fifth Avenue was taken. The crowd grew. Eight hundred to three thousand men came in every day. So another floor was taken.

There was never any drunkenness there. There was no disorderly element.

When the war came to an end, officers of the Navy were asked: "Is it your

son: "There have been hundreds and hundreds of boys saved right here. You don't know it. They don't know it. Their mothers will never know it. But we officers know it must go on, for the sake of our boys and the Navy."

Housing was then found at 13-15 East Forty-first Street.

The present activity of the Club has been concentrated on the visit of the fleet, so that not one boy will have to walk the streets at night if it can be prevented. And that to him means not only having a comfortable bed to sleep in but protection to his health and morals.

Who is not moved to help the Navy Club in its $700,000 "drive" for building and endowment purposes? Its revenue from its canteen and dormitories and dues covers most of its running expenses, but it needs adequate and permanent headquarters. It has cared for over eight hundred thousand men. Who will not be moved to send some check, no matter how small, to the Club's treasurer, Edward C. Delafield, Navy Club, 13-15 East Forty-first Street, New York City?

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N my reading this morning I came upon the following story of the conversion of Jacopone da Todi, a Franciscan monk of the thirteenth century:

The story is that Jacopone's young wife, whom he passionately loved, was fatally injured by the collapse of a platform at a marriage feast. She was magnificently dressed, as he wished her always to be, but when her splendid robes were taken off for treatment, or in preparation for the grave, it was found that this fair young woman wore a hair shirt. She had taught him his lesson-the vanity of all earthly things —and henceforth he essayed to conform his life to it.

Formerly hair shirts were worn as a voluntary act of self-sacrifice and were regarded as a symbol and an expression of peculiar sanctity. We still wear them, but now they are imposed on us, not chosen by us. They still indicate "the vanity of all earthly things," but they no longer indicate the sanctity of the





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They wore high heels, like the "donne contigiate" of Cacciaguida, and hid them with trailing robes; they rouged if they were pale, and used washes if they were dark-to the damnation of many. The rich bands of hair upon their heads never grew there. They polish their faces with pomades; they shape their noses. They say they do it all for their husbands. They do not. It is to attract others, or to "show off" and crush rivals with superior splendor and perhaps with poisonous words.

This reads very much like a picture of modern "high society." Fashion is the same cruel and mocking mistress in all ages of the world. The fine dresses vary infinitely, but beneath them is worn the same hair shirt. Thackeray with no gentle hand in "Vanity Fair" tears off the disguising robes from the mas queraders; Maria Edgeworth, more preacher than artist, discloses the hair shirt beneath the fine dresses that she may point the moral; Jane Austen gently disarranges the concealing garments just enough to give us a glimpse of the hair shirt which they cover.

Must we then discard all beauties, all flowers and jewels, all silks and satins, and go in drabs and grays? No! I suspect the Quaker ladies sometimes wore

hair shirts under their drabs and grays. Beauty in garments worn to gratify the love of beauty may be as legitimate as beauty in paintings, sculpture, or architecture. But beneath beautiful garments worn "to show off and crush rivals with superior splendor" there is, I suspect, always a hair shirt.

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A multi-millionaire once said to me, "Dr. Abbott, you doubtless have observed that millionaires rarely laugh. I had not observed that fact, for I have not any such acquaintance with millionaires as would have enabled me to observe it. He himself was a merry soul, who had a contagious laugh, and his principal care when I knew him was to get rid of his superfluous wealth in such a way as would do the least evil to society and the greatest good to the greatest number. To do good and not harm by gifts of money is no easy task.

But I have known enough of successful business men to be quite sure that the hair shirt is a more common garment than most of us suppose. We hear a good deal of profiteers, and doubtless there are Shylocks willing to coin money out of their neighbor's misfortune. But to one such profiteer there are, I am sure, scores of captains of industry who during the past six years have been hard at work by day and lying awake by night, perplexed if not tormented by the problem how they can so adjust their business to the constantly changing business conditions as to involve the least possible damage to the employees who are dependent upon them for their livelihood. Croesus has not the lazy and luxurious time which so many attribute to him. The strongest argument for the democracy of industry is not that it would divide more evenly the rewards of industry, but that it would divide more evenly the heavy responsibilities of wealth.

If there is any profession which might be thought immune from the necessity of wearing a hair shirt it would be that of the ministry; but it is a garment that is often worn beneath the preacher's frock


A young man graduates from college at twenty-two. If he goes into medicine, law, or engineering, he must devote three or four years to professional study and three or four more to apprentice work in his profession before he can earn enough to support a family. He will be fortunate if he can marry before he is thirty years of age. And unless his father can support him during this prolonged preparatory period, he must beg, borrow, or earn money for his support and for an expensive education.

But if he goes into the ministry the theological seminary will give him his

three years of professional education, and it is not improbable that some educational society or some benevolent friend will provide the necessary funds for his support. At the end of the three years he will find a parish which will insure him, not perhaps a comfortable support, but a possible livelihood. He can marry at once and get a home and be reasonably sure of a position in the community. As a lawyer or a doctor he will have to earn public respect; as a minister it will be accorded to him.

But he will find in his profession a hair shirt which he will wear but his congre gation will not see.

Not merely will his income be too small to provide for his reasonable desires for himself and his loved ones, not merely will his opportunity for a change to a larger field and a better salary probably be denied to him, not only will he not improbably find himself with few or no literary or scholarly companions in his parish and he himself shut out by an invisible and impenetrable wall from congenial companions who are in the community but not in his church, not only will his profession, if he is conscientious, impel him to be the friend of the ignorant, the uncultured, and the uncongenial, but he will have experiences in his church which will lead him at times to say to his wife, My dear, I sometimes think that the Lord's patience must be more tried by the saints than by the sinners. He will find in his church a doubting Thomas who is determined not to believe; an ambitious James and John more eager to see what they can get out of their church connections than what service they can render; an impulsive but unreliable Peter, eager in professions of loyalty but hesitating and timid in practice; and not impossibly a highly influential Judas who is ready to sell out his principles if he can get a good price for them. He will get more compliments for his sermons than evidences of a changed life, and he will want evidences of a changed life, not compliments. Often he will say of his hearers what Jesus said to his hearers, "Why is it that ye do not understand?" And sometimes he will wonder, as Jesus sometimes wondered, whether there is any faith on the earth. In short, he will often be called upon, like Ezekiel, to preach to a valley of dry bones, but, unlike Ezekiel, he will get from the dry bones no response to his preaching.

I suspect that we all have to wear at times a hair shirt, and that the problem for us is, not how to get rid of it, but how to make it minister to our humility, our patience, and our human sympathy with others who, unknown to us, are wearing a similar garment.

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