against the arming of merchant vessels, he deserves his renomination and will deserve re-election. As much could not have been said for his fellow-Senator, Hoke Smith, of Georgia. Just before the outbreak of the war, Senator Smith took an attitude which placed cotton above the lives of American citizens on the high seas. A speech of his at that time evoked from Senator Lodge a reply which ought to be preserved, not only as a model of parliamentary address, but as a classic in American literature.

of the Democratic opponents of an unmodified Covenant, Mr. Watson is very much more opposed than Senator Smith to the whole plan of the League. Senator Smith's defeat, therefore, instead of being a vote in favor of the League on the part of Georgia, is a most emphatic vote against it.

Practically the whole significance, as we have indicated, of Senator Moses's renomination consists in its being a vote on the part of New Hampshire Republicans against the League.

These three primary elections bring to the uncompromising advocates of the League of Nations little comfort.

class passion. His book on the French Revolution is a brilliant piece of work, and is evidence of the vigor and acuteness of his mind; but his success does not promise much for progress in his State. Besides Hoke Smith, Thomas Watson had for an opponent in the Senatorial primary Governor Dorsey, who rose to the Governorship as a result of his sensational prosecution of the Frank case, which was a hideous example of the lynching spirit. The people of Georgia have not had much of a choice in this Senatorial contest.

Watson's victory is attributed to his outspoken and implacable opposition to the League of Nations.

THE PRIMARY RESULTS IN
NEW HAMPSHIRE

I Hampshire the content was bet wew
N the Republican primaries in New

Huntley N. Spaulding and the present Senator, Mr. Moses. Because of his opposition to the League of Nations the effort to defeat Mr. Moses took on a special significance. In spite of the fact that his opponent had the advantage of being in special favor with the women of the State because of his record as Food Administrator, and that Senator Moses had been an opponent of woman suffrage, Mr. Moses's victory was overwhelming. It seems evident, therefore, that in opposing the League of Nations Mr. Moses has had the support of his constituents.

Mr. Lenroot was one of the leaders in opposition to the unmodified Covenant of the League of Nations. Though not as extreme as Senator Borah or Senator Johnson, he was one of those most insistent upon reservations which President Wilson would not accept.

Though Senator Hoke Smith was one

THE REPUBLICAN POLICY
TOWARD THE FARM

N September 8 Senator Harding

sota State Fair, in which he discussed. the problems of American agriculture. Unlike some theorists, he clearly recognized the fact that our farmers are not looking for favors, but that they merely wish to have their calling recognized as a basic industry entitled to profits equivalent to those which are the

big business of America means the little businesses of America.' Senator Harding would "replace the which distended executive powers nearly eight years of misnamed Democracy have brought us," and would do it as follows:

By ceasing Governmental meddling with business and, on the other hand, by establishing a closer understanding between Government and business.

By employing only trained men in executive places.

By giving decent pay and promotion to Federal employees.

By abolishing overlapping departments and jobs.

By extending the merit system.
By eliminating wasteful expendi-
tures through a National budget.
By readjusting internal taxation.
By rearranging the tariff.

By restoring adequate railway transportation.

By upbuilding the American merchant marine.

By reconstructing the postal service.

All of which is admirable in theory. The vital question is, how much of it will be translated into achievement?

A SUBMARINE ROMANCE

HEN true story the rescue

Senator

tion of the fact that, once the farmers are enabled to secure reasonable profits upon their capital and labor, they will themselves take care to provide for themselves and their families all of those social and physical advantages which have drawn our rural population to the urban centers.

To this end Senator Harding urged that farmers be given a greater representation in government. He urged that agricultural associations for the co-operative buying and selling of farm products and supplies should be encouraged. He urged the discontinuance of price-fixing for farm products, and tariff protection where needed. He appealed for a more liberal administration of the Farm Loan Act in order that farm tenancy might be reduced. All of these recommendations are measures which it would be in the power of a Republican Administration to initiate or put in force. They are specific enough to deserve close study, and to influence the country vote upon election day.

MR. HARDING TO
BUSINESS MEN

N his latest address, that of Septem

tation of business men, Mr. Harding explained that "American business is everybody's business;" that the really

submarine S-5 came to be told, it was even more singular than the first version, which seems to have been in part the conjecture of an imaginative reportorial brain. There was no buoy with wireless apparatus let loose by the submarine as she sank to announce the news of the disaster. Nor was there any hole cut in her hull by oxy-acetylene flame-on the contrary, to have used flame at all would have ignited collected gas and blown the craft to pieces.

What really happened was that the boat attempted a "crash dive" in too shallow water (she is 230 feet long), stuck her bows into the mud, and remained in a slanting position, with her stern projecting some forty or more feet. Her resourceful sailors made their. way up to the top of the projecting stern, bored a small hole with a ratchet drill, and ran out a wire as a flag-pole with a sailor's shirt as a flag. This queer ensign and the strange thing beneath it were seen by the Alanthus, a wooden ship operated by the United States Shipping Board. The submarine at a distance of ten miles looked like a whale with a flag on it. The Alanthus drew near and began rescue preparations. Happily, the steamship George

flag signals of the Alanthus, which had no wireless, and it was the Goethals which sent out the wireless news of the

International

THE LAST OF THE ILL-FATED S-5

disaster-news which was picked up by amateur wireless operators, and through them reached the public.

To Chief Engineer Grace, of the Goethals, must be accorded the praise for the rescue of the forty men and officers of the S-5. He saw the danger of employing flame, and patiently and laboriously drilled with his own hands a circle of fifty or more small holes with a hand ratchet, working steadily all night. This done, he cut the spaces with a cold chisel and, as one correspondent says, pried out the metal with a crowbar, much as one would get off the top of a tin can. Through this hole the men were dragged, exhausted

but alive. They had been two days in "E

their perilous confinement. Commander Cooke, of the S-5, reported that his men acted with coolness and heroism; the crew sent a round robin to the President in warm praise of their commander, and all joined in recognition of the skill and intelligent action of their rescuers.

Altogether the incident makes one feel proud of American courage, endurance, and resourcefulness.

A NATIONAL AMATEUR
GOLF CHAMPIONSHIP

VER one of the most difficult

Ο courses in the country-the En

gineers' course at Roslyn, Long Island -Charles Evans and Francis Ouimet fought their way through a field of brilliant opponents to the final round for the National amateur golf championship of the United States. Evans at one time was carried to the forty-first hole before he could win the right to continue in the tournament. Five extra

VERY earthquake disaster is for Italy like a lost battle," said an Italian statesman. The shocks of Sep. tember 7 and later days destroyed hundreds of lives-estimates vary widely

(C) Underwood & Underwood

crowded hospitals and churches with many more hundreds of crippled and suffering people, and led some halfmillion of people to abandon their homes, at least temporarily. The ter ror of the great earthquakes of Messina in 1909 and Avezzano in 1915 were re called and renewed. In loss of life and in the ruin of a great city the Mes sina disaster was incomparably Italy's greatest earthquake disaster; at least 50,000 human beings perished at that time. With all such disasters, even when they are so comparatively unimportant in their destructive results as the recent series of earth shakings in California, there is an element of terror and panic which only the stout-hearted can bear with equanimity.

Tuscany was the scene of the most serious damage in the recent Italian experience, but shocks were felt almost as far south as Naples. Fivizzano, a little city on the slope of the Apennines, some seventy miles northwest of Florence and perhaps a third of that distance from Spezia, was the worst stricken of a dozen or more towns and villages in that vicinity. Reports state that over four hundred people were killed there. The stories of suffering and rescue are heartrending yet inspiring in their ac counts of the devotion of sailors from a war-ship, doctors, nurses, and countless volunteers. The shock, as is often the case, followed the general line of the mountain range. A volcanic crater opened at the top of a mountain nine miles from Spezia. Even the Swiss Alps felt the shocks.

Modern geology leans to the belief that most disastrous earthquakes are caused by shifts of strata along fissures or faults. Volcanic agencies may, however, play a part in such disturbances,

led

ahan

kes d

191

mara

and shifts of strata may take place far beneath the earth's surface.

ITALY'S INDUSTRIAL CRISIS

OT only has Italy suffered severely

Nfrom earthquakes but she has been

passing through a most serious industrial crisis. Her metal workers made demands for shorter hours, more pay, and representation upon controlling boards of the companies which emster ployed them. These demands their employers refused to meet. A shortage of raw materials and of coal, combined with the threatening attitude of the workers, led to the declaration of a "lockout." Thereupon in Milan and other industrial centers the workers took possession of the factories, which they have in some instances fortified with machine guns.

The best information which we can secure goes to show that at present the disturbance is industrial rather than political, and that the workers are not bent upon the establishment of a genuine soviet government, although it is entirely possible that in the presence of so much inflammable tinder the industrial revolt may be changed to a political upheaval. Italian Socialists are against repressive measures in the present disorder. Premier Giolitti depends upon the Socialist support. It is there fore probable that the present Government will not resort to arms to oust the workers except as a last measure.

Extreme measures of repression would doubtless result in the overturning of the present Ministry, though they might not result in the overthrow of the Italian Government.

In last week's issue of The Outlook we quoted a despatch from the London "Times" which stated that Lloyd George, the British Prime Minister, had said that, if guaranties were given that the murder of policemen in Ireland would cease, MacSwiney and his fellow hunger strikers would be released. We are glad to report that apparently no such bargain has been concluded.

It might be expedient for the authorities to release MacSwiney. It is both legal and just for them to permit him to suffer the consequences of his own act. But by no stretch of imagination could it be considered either expedient, legal, or just for the British Govern

HEN comparatively obscure men try to get into public men try to get into public office by besmirching their political opponents, the American voter is too likely to shrug his shoulders and call it "politics." Charges of corruption have not been taken seriously enough by the American electorate because they are so often lightly made. The cry of Wolf, wolf!" has sounded so often that the voters have come to

66

believe that the wolves are not only far away but are not even predatory.

It is perhaps for this reason that the charges repeatedly made by Governor Cox have not been regarded seriously. If they had been made by an obscure candidate or by a political subordinate they perhaps might not have deserved attention; but they have been made by a man who aspires to the greatest office in the land, and made emphatically and definitely. If these charges are true, they form the most important issue of the campaign. In fact, it is hardly too much to say that they raise the most important political issue that it is possible for a free people to face. No nation can be free which maintains a corrupt government and which consists of a corrupted people.

Mr. Cox has charged that the Republican party is planning to buy the Presidency. In order to ascertain what Mr. Cox's charges are the country has been referred to his Pittsburgh speech. In that speech he made this statement:

I charge, therefore, again a planned assault on the American electorate. It can't be hidden. The hosts are marshaled; the money ammunition is prepared, but it will not succeed. The net is spread in sight of the quarry. What is the game except to becloud the public mind on the subject of the League of Nations issue and world's peace? The "normalcy," so I think it is pronounced, voiced by the opposition candidate, as visioned by his master, is bayonets at the factory door. Unrestrained profiteering at the gates of the farm. The burden of government on shoulders other than their own, and the Federal Reserve System an annex to great business. When the American people fully grasp the sinister menace hanging over them, they will shun it as a plague.

This is a definite statement that the Republican party is undertaking to use

money for the purpose of putting the Government and its resources at the disposal of men who wish to use it for their own financial benefit, even to the extent of unrestrained profiteering, and for the suppression of the rights of their fellow-men even at the point of the bayonet. This is not merely a newspaper reporter's interpretation of the speech; it is a quotation from a stenographic report. Mr. Cox has not been misquoted. These are his own words.

That he did not use them inadvertently is shown by the fact that he repeated the gravest part of his charge. In the by one of his audience, who said that course of that speech he was interrupted

Mr. Cox had not named an individual or corporation who had given a penny. Mr. Cox replied that the Chairmittee, who is a Republican, could man of the Senatorial Campaign Comcall in the persons who could produce the names of the contributors. And of these contributors he went on to say:

They are making their contributions in order to procure the use of the bayonet if industrial controversies arise. That is a grave charge. I know whereof I speak.

What is the evidence that Mr. Cox has presented in support of this accusation? He purported to offer that in the same speech from which the above quotations are taken. That evidence con

sists entirely of documents purporting to describe the methods for raising money for the Republican campaign fund. It has wholly to do with the amount alleged to be raised and, the apportionment of that amount among

66

various communities. These documents have been submitted to the Senatorial Investigating Committee and have been examined. Witnesses have been called and sworn and their testimony taken. As a result the evidence shown is this: The Republican National Committee engaged a man by contract to conduct or manage a drive" for funds similar to that which he had conducted on behalf of many organizations, notably the Young Men's Christian Association; according to that plan the country was districted and amounts were assigned to be raised from various communities. Among the documents submitted were some typewritten sheets which constitute suggestions made as to the amount of the sums apportioned or the quotas. These suggestions were, it was proved, never officially adopted. That, however, is a minor issue. Engaged in this undertaking to raise money for the Republican campaign were many men who had been engaged in similar efforts to raise

money for the Young Men's Christian Association and similar organizations. Some of the slogans familiar in other drives were used for stimulating the interest of the people engaged in this drive. A good many of these slogans seem to us, and would seem to a good many, ineffective, commonplace, and in some cases commercial and materialistic. In the whole amount of evidence, however, there is nothing, not a phrase or a word, to support Mr. Cox's charges that the Republican organization is trying to buy the Presidency or to buy it for the purpose of being able to use bayonets for the suppression of the workingmen.

The hearings at Chicago by the Senatorial Committee have been elaborate and long continued. No person testifying before that Committee has supplemented Governor Cox's alleged evidence with any evidence of any kind tending to support Governor Cox's accusations. No officer of the Democratic organization has acknowledged knowing of any such evidence.

In the face of this fact Mr. Cox has put himself in a position of making serious charges for which he has not the slightest proof. He has done his best to undermine the faith of American voters in the honesty of American political organizations, and he places the gravest of doubts upon the integrity of the mass of voters themselves. To do this without evidence is to make an attack upon the Nation itself. If it is not treason, it is because the legal definition of treason does not comprise such an act. It partakes of the nature of treason, for, in so far as it arouses class animosities and undermines confidence in self-government, it destroys the loyalty of the citizens.

paign funds was not only inefficient, but was injurious. Political committees got money from whatever sources were most available, and got that money secretly. Only a small part of a community ever contributed to the party fund, and as they made these special contributions they naturally expected special favors. This was the old "gum-shoe" method, and it was bad. To change that method for one which is organized, public, and fair is to perform a very valuable public service. In trying to discredit this attempt to put the raising of political funds upon a sound and fair basis the Democratic candidate for the Presidency is doing all he can to retain the old "gum-shoe" method.

Political parties must have political funds. They must have them in order to give information concerning their candidates to the voters. If that money is raised openly and honestly and is spent for legitimate purposes, the amount of the fund is not a vital question. Any money that is needed for legitimate purposes should be raised, the more general and public the method of raising it the better. The charge that the Republican party is using the quota method is true, and good citizens quota method is true, and good citizens ought to rejoice that it is true.

The other charge is that the Republican party is trying to buy the Presilican party is trying to buy the Presidency for the purpose of using the Government to the financial profit of special interests and for the purpose of suppressing the workingmen with the bayonet. That charge is without foundation. Those who have made it ought to be ashamed of themselves and ought to be called to account for their public offense.

66

SPIRITUAL THOROUGHBREDS

undertaken to raise a camgaign fund, variously estimated, by means of quotas according to the method used in the Liberty Loan drives, in the drives for the Young Men's Christian Association, the Red Cross, the Knights of Columbus, the War Camp Community Service, and similar organizations. This charge is true. We are glad it is true. Mr. Hays of the Republican National Committee has done a service in putting the raising of campaign funds on the same basis with that of the raising of Liberty Loans and welfare funds. The old method of raising cam

H

on ?"

Didn't you observe how many of the of men had gone off in æsthetic and spiritual charm? How many had lost the the glamour of soul that they used to hold for you, and could talk of little but the stock market, golf, the high that cost of living, what make of car they used, and how enormous their income tax was last year, and, oh, the Eight-t eenth Amendment-most of all, the Eighteenth Amendment !"

It

was almost uncanny of the YoungOld Philosopher to say this, for we had returned from a certain college reunion much disillusioned as to a number of old chums; and though we had not framed our thoughts or become articulate with our wife concerning this sad circumstance, we could not but help giving it definite consideration for many days.

"I think," went on the Young-Old Philosopher, "that people are much like race-horses. There are thoroughbreds; and there is an underdone breed, a sort of riffraff that make startling spurts, cross the line nobly now and then, and finally, suddenly, drop in their tracks, unable to run the race to the end. There is an aristocracy of the body as well as of the mind; a spiritual something in the human frame itself that quite justifies that Biblical phrase, 'Know ye not that ye are temples of the Holy Ghost?' and which there is no gainsaying. If, combined with that thoroughbredness of the body, you find in a man a delicacy and superlative excellence of soul and mind and heart, then you discover the type that lasts, that holds the fort in desperate days,' to snatch a line of Stevenson, and that magnificently refuses to surrender. That kind of man goes on to the end of his days, finely sensible of his civic duties, his family duties, and his duties of mental development.

"The trouble with most of us is that we fall by the wayside, having graduated from some university, feeling that, the first line crossed, the last line has likewise been crossed; whereas the race has but just begun. Tolliver's business absorbs him to the exclusion of his former love of Hazlitt's Table Talk' or Burke's Sublime and the Beautiful; and Tucker, who once loved Wordsworth, hobnobs only with Wall Street. When he played golf after leaving college, he had the good sense to pause, every now and then, true to that sane and saving admiration of Wordsworth that was in him, and say of the landscape, 'How wonderful it is!' Now, alas! he has interest only in the ball and the proper club; and the countryside is but a means to an end-a bit