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To us the criticisms seem beside the mark. Whatever criticisms may be made of the methods of operation of the mail plane, and it is entirely natural to presume that under the circumstances some such criticism may be legitimately offered, we believe that the Post Office is to be heartily commended for its recognition of the need of developing aerial transportation as a great commercial asset and as a vital element in our programme of National defense.

Those who are anxious to learn what other governments and countries are doing for commercial aviation should secure a copy of "Aerial Transport," by G. Holt Thomas, published by Hodder & Stoughton, London.


NOVELTY in anniversaries is to be

A the celebration in New York City of the birth centenary of Jenny Lind, the "Swedish Nightingale." The birth date, October 6, will be honored by a Jenny Lind Concert at which Miss Frieda Hempel, of the Metropolitan Opera Company, will sing the songs heard by the vast audience which greeted Jenny Lind's first appearance in America, September 11, 1850, at Castle Garden, now the Aquarium, in New York City's Battery Park. Miss Hempel will use the very piano employed at that first concert, and will wear a replica of the gown Jenny Lind then wore. When one names Jenny Lind, one thinks instantly of P. T. Barnum. Beyond doubt he was the greatest press agent ever known. He has been called also the greatest of humbugs, but, as a matter of fact, like all good publicity men of our own day, he knew perfectly well that the way to succeed is to give the public its money's worth. He certainly did this when he acted as impresario for Jenny Lind. She had a great reputation and a marvelous voice, and Barnum's success in working up excitement about her appearance was due to the fact that the attraction was genuine and unique. He offered $200 for a prize ode (Bayard Taylor won the prize); sold tickets by auction at prices from $653 down-the buyers were usually keen press agents for them selves; had his diva, when she landed, driven under triumphal arches amid the acclamations of enormous crowds, and engineered a serenade to her by musical societies escorted by hundreds of red-shirted firemen.

All this excitement evidently failed to spoil Jenny Lind. She was not only a great singer, but a simple, sincere, and warm-hearted woman. It is said that

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she refused one suitor to her hand because he wanted her to continue her career while she wished to make a home, and another because she found that his family disapproved .of her stage career. With the money she made (her first American trip yielded her about $175,000) she was generous; she helped many poor girls to study music, and gave scores of thousands of dollars in charity. One writer, Mr. F. B. Pitney, in the New York "Tribune,' answers the question, Why a Jenny Lind Centenary? by saying: "Jenny Lind is a tradition, a legend, a fetish, an idol, and an ideal."

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HERE are now two great and several minor parties in the United States. . . . What are their principles, their distinctive tenets, their tendencies? . . . This is what European is always asking of intelligent Republicans and intelligent Democrats. He is always asking because he never gets an answer. Neither party has... any clean-cut principles, any distinctive tenets. Both have traditions. Both claim to have tendencies. But... tenets and policies, points of political doctrine and points of political practice, have all but vanished."

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That is the impression which our American parties have made upon the most acute and most thoroughly informed of writers upon American institutions, Viscount Bryce, as recorded in his "American Commonwealth."

Certainly in the sense in which British political parties have principles and tenets, the two great parties of America

lack them.. Neither can be called con servative or progressive, reactionary or radical.

As a matter of fact, however, there is a difference between the parties in America that is not merely the natural difference between the Ins and the Outs. It is the difference, not of political creed, but of political temperament. It is the difference between the idealist with all his virtues and his faults and the realist with all his faults and his virtues.

There are times when a community needs especially the service of those who are prolific in theories and in ideas, fertile in suggestion, ready with plans and projects. There are other times when the community needs especially the ser vice of those who are competent in performance, able to do well the task in hand, practiced in achievement. Thus it happens that the voters of America have sometimes turned to one of the two great parties, sometimes to the other.

For nearly eight years they have intrusted the conduct of National affairs to the party whose temperament is that of the theorist, the idealist, the visionary, and the doctrinaire. It is the party that was quickest to see the idealism of the French Revolution, and quickest to fall prey to its vagaries. It is the party most inclined to the cause of secession, whether in America or in the Philippines or in Great Britain or on the Continent of Europe, and proclaims that as an ideal under the name of selfdetermination, blinking the facts and the difficulties while sympathizing with the aims and ambitions of struggling peoples. It is the party that is temperamentally more interested in a plan or theory than in its workings. And it has had in the office of Chief Executive a man typical of its temperament.

Now, according to the American practice, at the end of a second fouryear period it is again called upon to make a reckoning with its employer, the American people.

The fact that it offers not the present steward but another man as a candidate for the stewardship does not alter the fact that the coming election will be a verdict upon that party's record. The Democratic party has accepted Mr. Wilson's Administration as its own, and Mr. Cox has indorsed the Wilson Administration and given the people every reason to believe that the standards of Mr. Wilson's stewardship are his own.

It is this record and the impression that it has made upon the people ou which the voters will render their judg ment. All questions of policy, such as


the League of Nations, and all questions of personality, such as Mr. Wilson's methods of conducting his office and Mr. Cox's fitness to be his successor, are involved in this question of the party's record.

It must not be forgotten that this party of theorists within two years of its accession to power enacted a body of law which constitutes a programme of distinctive achievement; nor that it was in power when the country fought in the greatest war of history and helped to win the victory; but it is as a party of theory that it has made its record for the most part, and it is as a party of theory that it submits its claim for a renewal of authority.

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Mr. Wilson offered himself to his country as the exponent of a body of theory which he termed "the new freedom." That theory involved a denunciation of "government by commission and such an indictment against business as organized in America as to constitute distrust of business men as business men. On becoming President, Mr. Wilson proclaimed as his theory the principle of pacifism in the most emphatic manner possible by selecting as Secretary of State Mr. Bryan, who declared that as long as he was in office America would never fight. In dealing with Mexico, Mr. Wilson proclaimed as a theory the right of Mexicans to make as much disturbance and shed as much blood as they pleased without interference. He suffered himself to be offered as a candidate for re-election by his party on the theory that he would keep us out of war. A man who in theory was a pacifist he kept throughout the war as Secretary of War to be the administrative head of the greatest army America ever raised. He urged upon Europe "Peace without victory," with the result which his political opponent, Mr. Hughes, has described as "Victory without peace." Throughout the war he showed his chief interest not in the practical overcoming of the enemy by arms but in the proclamation of a programme of Fourteen Points as a theoretic basis for peace. Finally, he bound up his own fortune and the fortune of his party with the theoretical proposal for a League of Nations which he has declined to modify, which he has failed so far to persuade his country to accept, and which he desires to be the subject of a great and solemn referendum.

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sponsible positions in arming and provisioning the country in war, although he did intervene in Mexico by bom. barding one of its ports, although he allowed Mr. Bryan to retire and then asked Congress to declare war, and although when the time for making peace came even friends and supporters of his were disconcerted by the contradiction between the theories of the Fourteen Points and the accomplished facts, nevertheless it may be said that incident after incident cumulatively show Mr. Wilson's Administration to be based on theories.

It is such incidents in the record of the party and its leader during these past eight years that the people remember. They have a general impression of a stimulating personality who for a time was the leader of the political thought of the world. They think of the party in the terms of the record of this leader.

To that record there are at least three kinds of response:

First, there are those who are convinced that the Democratic party's theories as expounded by Mr. Wilson are good and should be approved; that whatever results have been inconsistent with those theories, and consequently bad, are to be deplored but are due not to the party and its leader but to opposition abroad and at home.

Second, there are those who believe that the theories are good but regard the results inconsistent with those theories as due to some failure on the part of the party and its leader.

Third, there are those who believe the theories are bad in themselves, that some of the results have been consequently bad because they have been attempts to exalt bad theories as ideals, with consequent disaster, and that some of the results have been good for the very reason that they have happened in spite of the theorists.

Those who believe that the country needs a further stimulus of theory, as well as those who believe that an Administration should be judged by the doctrines it professes rather than by its achievements, and who believe in the Wilson doctrines professed by the Democratic party and its candidate, will naturally vote for Mr. Cox.

Those who believe that the Wilson theories are lofty but who deplore at the same time the many results inconsistent with those theories will be divided. Some of these will vote for Mr. Cox on the ground that the Administration was a victim of circumstances it could not control. Others will vote against Mr. Cox on the ground that

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the Administration was the victim of its own weakness when it compromised its convictions.

Those who believe that the theories of the Administration, and in particular of Mr. Wilson, as indorsed by his party and his party's candidate, have been and are unsound, and that whatever good results were achieved were in spite of those theories and not because of them, will vote for Mr. Harding; that is, they will try another steward, and will look for the new steward in the party that is temperamentally less inclined to profess theories and more inclined to undertake practical tasks.




N unwelcome by-product in the advance of science and invention has been to make easy cowardly murder masquerading under the pretense of political revolution. It is unfortunately far from difficult for such dastardly enemies of law and order as those who planned and executed the Wall Street explosion in New York City to procure dangerous substances such as nitroglycerine and dynamite. These are used commercially in enor mous quantities, as in excavations for buildings and in the oil-fields. Restrictions and laws, however stringent, do not prevent illicit or careless sale, or small thefts by which large quantities may be accumulated. It needs only moderate skill to handle such explosives safely and to arrange devices for their explosion at a given moment. Detection is difficult either before or after the crime. One lesson of the recent horror, therefore, is closer supervision over the distribution and use of explosives.

But there is an immense amount of inflammatory and explosive material other than dynamite in the world just now-heated argument, class hatred, the poisonous "direct action" appeal, the denunciation of all government, the undermining of democracy in favor of proletariat imperialism. The "intellectuals" who play with these rhetorical explosives in order to exploit their glib conceit and glowing oratory are morally guilty of the acts to which their words incite ignorant and reckless. hearers. The hand may be that of a wild assassin while the impulse may be the heated brain of a theorist who would never endanger his own safety by

overt acts.

On the other hand, there is always

Ira D. Schwarz


danger after such a terrible crime as that in Wall Street that the public mind may 66 see red" without discrimination. There are people who recognize no difference between an Emma Goldman and a John Spargo, to whom the name of Socialism is like a red cloth to a bull, who applauded the expulsion of the five New York Socialist members of the Assembly without even asking what the rule of free thought and fair play dictated. Such a lack of discrimination is in itself a danger, for it is reactionary in its effect.

Whoever may have incited the crime of September 16, its actual perpetrators were the vilest of assassins. They knew perfectly well that the banking houses and Government buildings would not fall before their attack; they knew that the danger to the " capitalists" was small; they knew that the shower of slugs and the rain of broken glass their infernal machine set loose would maim and murder scores of workingmen and workingwomen-clerks, girl stenographers, and innocent passers-by. An expert report by Mr. George S. Rice, of the Bureau of Mines, says that the intention of the perpetrators was not to destroy property but human life, that for this reason they chose the hour when the greatest number of people are out on the street, that the explosion was "the work of terrorists."

Terrorism never helped permanently any cause. The Germans found that out; our Anarchists and ultra-radicals can never succeed by wholesale murder. Their crime has stirred the country to its depths. In the future efforts to detect and punish criminals who seek to overthrow liberty by violence will be more rigorous and searching than ever before.

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F plays recently performed with great success in New York, and we hope to be played before audiences in many parts of the country, there have been two extreme types. One may be called the play of structure; the other, the play of character. This does not mean that the play of structure lacks character or the play of character lacks structure; but each type is determined by its predominant quality.

What we characterize as a play of structure is "Jane Clegg." St. John Ervine, its author, has not set up a single character as a living statue on which the light of situations plays, bringing out the molding of his subject's personality, but has taken a group of people, as a composer might take a stringed quartette, and has played them against one another, with alternating consonance and dissonance, to a conclusion that is right because it is, or at least seems to be, inevitable. The story, if we undertook to tell it in outline form, would seem drab and depressing; but the play itself is not depressing except possibly to those who see only its superficial features, and such must be rare. Mr. Ervine has worked in the production of this play as every artist should work, whatever his material. He has not photographed life as he has. seen it, though there is a verisimilitude in this play that is photographic; he has not drawn up a thesis and then used his characters to fool the audience into thinking it a story, though he leaves the auditor with an impression of truth that arguments cannot make. What he has done is to find in human lives and their environment, which to the ordi

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nary observer would seem to be most unpromising, material out of which to erect a structure that has harmony and balance as convincing as that of a pure Gothic church or a great symphony. And he has enveloped that story with a humor that not only gives delight but evokes laughter. To call the woman whose name supplies the title good and strong and self-sacrificing, to call her husband worthless and contemptible, to call the old granny, his mother, sharp and sentimental and selfish, to call the two children symbols of the mother's and the granny's influence, to call the racing tout a refreshing exhibit of virtue reduced to its lowest terms though still human, and the bookkeeper virtue likewise reduced, though not downward, but outward by remoteness from anything compensatingly human, is to spoil the whole play; for it is to divert the mind from the real significance of the play as not a group of isolated figures exhibiting certain traits, but the progress of life as these particular people must live it. Not the least evidence of the greatness of this play is the fact that it has evidently produced upon the members of the very competent cast that played it an impression of its power as real as that received by the audience.

A notable illustration of that type of drama in which one character dominates is "Lightnin'." In this play Frank Bacon, author and actor, has delighted, and continues to delight, thousands of playgoers. Like Joseph Jefferson in "Rip Van Winkle" and David Warfield in "The Music Master," so in "Lightnin'" the man is the play. In all three cases, too, the attractiveness is in the gentle sweetness, the deliberate utterance, and the unforced humor that belong to the actor's personality. But Frank Bacon not only made the character he acts; he also made the play itself, building it up into its present form after several earlier attempts. His popular success came to him only after forty years of struggle in his profession. Frank Bacon as he appears in private life has little need of "makeup" to become the "Lightnin'" of the stage. Around the character, to be sure, are grouped odd and amusing incidents, situations, and people. But the play depends for its appeal, not on construction or dramatic tensity, but on the drawling, slow-moving, irresponsible, but altogether lovable and kind-hearted` "Lightnin'." The play is wholesome and its fun is contagious; its dramatic art is not high, but its entertaining quality is irresistible.

Porter Emerson Browne's "The Bad


Man," a new play of a most unusual type, like "Lightnin'," centers around a single character, but the subordinate parts are remarkably well drawn and ably presented. The central figure of Mr. Browne's satiric comedy is a Mexican bandit with the manners and morals, or rather lack of morals, of



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Pancho Villa. The Bad Man is absolutely guiltless of what modern psychology calls "repressions." He is an essential primitive, a creature of passionate love and passionate hate. Loyalty he knows, and a sense of justice he has, even though his sense of legality. is completely and utterly nil. The Bad Man would wonder at the use of the word "even" in the previous sentence. He is a child in impulse and a man in execution. Indeed, whenever necessary for the carrying out of his will and desire, he shows not the least hesitancy in doing whatever executions the situation requires with his own hands. And he does it to the nightly satisfaction and relief of hundreds of men and women who are doubtless as solicitous for the safety of human life as Uncle Toby was for the protection of flies. Any one who remembers Mr. Browne's caustic papers on "Uncle Sham," in which he flayed the sophistries and weaknesses of our Government in the early days of the World War, does not need to be told that the presentation of such a character as The Bad Man gives to this vivid humorist and satirist the opportunity of a lifetime to pillory the conventions of twentieth-century America.

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HESE are hard days for New York dyspeptics. Dyspepsia is a disease which feeds on quick lunches, worry, and the absence of the contemplative spirit. Against these three great foes of health New Yorkers have usually two most successful antidotes ready at hand. But fate has seen fit to deprive them at one fell blow of both these aids to contented digestion.

When the average New Yorker goes out to lunch, he usually takes with him, either to his favorite stool at a "hamand " emporium or to his club armchair,

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enough afternoon papers to supply any inquisitive statistician with an explanation of the present paper shortage.

From personal experience and observation we are inclined to believe that this compound of printers' ink and deceased forests is not acquired for the purpose of extracting therefrom vital information concerning business, poliinformation concerning business, politics, or sport. The Wall Street editions tics, or sport. The Wall Street editions do not appear until after the usual lunch time, and baseball games are played in the afternoon. As for politics, that, like the poor, is always with us, and we have seen few news items concerning the present campaign which would tempt the average luncher into undue haste to secure information which could doubtless be obtained in more extended form from the morning paper of the following day.

No; we are led to believe that even hurry-scurry New York is moved by higher motives than business, politics, higher motives than business, politics, or sport when it makes its daily attack upon the wood-pulp supply of America. We are led to this conclusion by noting the frequency with which our table the frequency with which our table companions and neighbors turn first of all to the columns of the most contemplative of our American journalists. We refer to the "Sun Dial" of Don Marquis and to the "Bowling Green" of Christopher Morley.

Some Health Department official, with a nose for figures, should work out a table showing the number of minutes added to the average New Yorker's lunch time by the existence of these two columns. Doubtless he could prove that a perusal of the "Sun Dial' leads to an x number of minutes of leads to an x number of minutes of additional mastication, and that a reading of the "Bowling Green " develops a

Ira D. Schwarz


technique of leisure of salutary importance that could be expressed algebraically by the letter y. From such an investigation it would be easy to prove (everything is e easy to prove when one argues with one's self) that. the x+y of Don Marquis and Christopher Morley could also be expressed by a tangible factor of increase in the longevity and civic usefulness of the average follower of these two literary exponents of the maxim that "Haste makes waste."

We started this editorial with the statement that "these are hard days for New York dyspeptics." To explain this statement algebraically, we willsay that at the moment of writing the citizens of New York are minus both x and y. The editors of the New York "Evening Sun" and the "Evening Post" have, with a total disregard for the health of the citizens of the metropolis, permitted both Mr. Marquis and Mr. Morley to go upon their vacations at one and the same time. It matters not how able are the substitutes provided for the departed columnists, the citizens of New York are now deprived of at least the whole comfort of both their names.

We do not believe that it would be regarded by the Supreme Court as a violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law if the editors of the "Evening Post" and the "Evening Sun" entered into a gentlemen's agreement to restrain Mr. Morley and Mr. Marquis from synchronizing their vacations. Such an agreement, even between two competing newspapers, could not be regarded as contra bonos mores. Will the editors of these two papers kindly give this matter their careful and most uncongressional consideration?





E are under the shadow of a strike which, if it comes to pass, will be more than a strike. If the miners push their demands, as they threaten to do, to the stoppage of work, the United Kingdom will be quickly in the throes of a constitutional struggle. The public read with interest the news from America in reference to the challenge of the miners there. It is regarded as being an industrial affair, which, though serious enough, does not imperil in any way your system of government. There is a whole world of difference in the situation as regards the miners on this side. We are face to face with a crisis the outcome of which may be a modification of our process of government. It does not follow that such a modification would inevitably result within a week or two, but it could not be very long delayed.

A survey of the past year is necessary to get the miners' strike into proper perspective. Coincident with the enormously increased (and increasing) power of the organized labor movement there has been manifested among the workers a new attitude of mind, arising partly from a sense of injustice, partly from a. recklessness engendered by the tragic experiences of the battlefield, partly. from the greediness born of a new strength. There is a mixture of good and bad in the general motive. What is important for the moment is the widespread prevalence of the motive. People who want things desire to take a short cut to secure them, and they do not care very much what consequences follow in the train of their impulse so long as they attain their immediate object. This further word may be said by way of preface, that, despite the high cost of living, the working classes have never (except in the height of war) been so well off.

Just a year ago the railway men attempted a general stoppage throughout the country in order to secure higher wages. The general community rose in revolt, and the Government fought the railway men.

Although the railway men were defeated, they, by their action, instituted for the first time an attempt at what may be called soviet government in England. A month or two ago the labor movement as a whole set up what was known as a "Council of Action," and that Council of Action dictated terms to the Government with regard to foreign policy. There was a fear (though there was no foundation for it) that the Cabinet might involve the country in war on behalf of Poland against Russia, and the labor move

ment, forming a body of dictators, aunounced a stoppage of work of all kinds should the Government embark on the war. Vehemently Mr. Lloyd George denied that there was any intention of war on the part of himself or his colleagues. Without discussing the right or the wrong of the feeling which moved labor, one cannot blink the fact that a substantial body of people, possibly a predominance of them in numbers, were prepared forcibly to take the reins of government from the House of Commons. And it should be pointed out that this concerted move

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ment was made, not by the extremists alone, but also by moderate leaders, who have secured the ear of masses of the electorate who cannot be described as the working classes. There was no war with Russia, but the Council of Action is kept in existence in case of emergency.

Hardly had the excitement aroused by the institution of the Council of Action died away before another dramatic situation began to present itself. The coal miners, who in the past few years have secured great improvements in their position, put forward new demands, and these demands were of such a nature and were made under such circumstances as to bring once more to the fore problems which, though they are thrust first upon this country, can hardly fail to be experienced in a short time by other great democracies.

While some people put stress on the justice or injustice of the actual demands of the miners, these demands in themselves are not of tremendous import. What is of significance is the spirit and determination which lie be

hind them. Briefly, the situation is as follows: The miners engaged in arduous occupation are well-paid men. They dispute that their earnings have risen above the cost of living, although on the other side figures are given to show that their wages have gone up out of proportion to increased expenditure. In 1915 they worked an eight-hour day-they now work a seven-hour day. The average pay for adult workers in 1914 was 7/1d.-the average pay now is 18/3d. The output, in spite of an increased number of workers, has de creased. Here are the figures:

Number of Workers

1913. 1920.

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287,500,000 tons

1920 (estimated). 240,500,000


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47,000,000 tons

The Government is still in general control of the coal industry, and the profits of the owners are rigidly regulated. The profits at present are found. in a balance of £66,000,000, secured by the export of coal, and this £66,000,000 goes to the Government for the relief of general taxation. The miners claim that one-half of it should be given to them in extra wages, and the other half should go to the reduction of the price of coal to the consumers. In other words, they are taking upon themselves not only the legitimate task of trying to improve their own conditions, but they are also attempting to interfere in the general government of the country. They are, in effect, telling the Cabinet how the finance of the nation should be conducted.

This is a usurpation of the powers of Parliament which may be fittingly compared with the attempts in bygone days by tyrannous kings and barons. Parliament is no more likely to stand it than it stood the threats of the Stuarts.

Meanwhile the miners are steadily preparing for a strike. A ballot has been taken, showing the requisite majority in favor of a stoppage of work. In a few days we shall know the worst. A strike of the coal miners would paralyze the railways, the great factories, would interfere with food supplies, and, indeed, in the course of a week or two would put the majority of workers in this country out of occupation. There are leaders of other trade unions and members of those trade unions also who see the losses and hardships which would be brought upon workers in general, but, on the other hand, there must

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