an

A cartoon by Homer Davenport, reprinted from Mr. A. G. Spalding's "America's National Game." It refers to baseball scandals forty-five years ago, which led to a reform like that now going on was sure of a bonus of some thousands of dollars (player's share) from the World's Series even if his club failed to win the championship. The players cheated simply and solely because they coveted. crooked money. All honor to the square guys" in the White Sox! No one dared to approach Ed Collins, for instance.

166

Briber and bribed are equally guilty. But public betting with professional gamblers is a matter of rather recent growth as regards the sport of baseball. One such "syndicate" of gamblers is said to have won $200,000 on one ball game, and it is reported that gamblers won $2,000,000 on the World's Series of 1919-sold out by bribed players.

Lovers of the National game are up in arms to stop this kind of thing. One proposal is that men of public prominence and recognized integrity who are interested in baseball as a sport, and not

OCTOBER 13, 1920

in a business way, should be placed on the National Commission-the joint commission which acts as final court of resort for the two major leagues. ExPresident Taft's name is one of those suggested. Congressman Longworth declares that National legislation should control gambling. One of the best baseball writers, Mr. W. O. M'Geehan, of the New York "Tribune," says a word in season well worth quoting:

It is not fair that the exposures at
Chicago should create suspicion against
the entire professional
but the
game,
stunning fact remains that there was
crookedness, and on a big scale, in
professional baseball.

But what of the sure-thing gamblers? What of those higher up, the men who plotted this thing and carried it through, the parasites who preyed on the weakness of character of these unfortunate creatures? So far there seems to be no strong chance of them being convicted and punished. The cities where organized baseball flourishes must aid in bringing them to justice, and the Federal Government must aid, for if they go unpunished they will keep up their work, never, perhaps, in baseball again, but in other lines. They will continue to make criminals of the young and the weak with their whispers of "easy money." This exposure should awaken the country not only to the menace to baseball but to the National character.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S APPEAL

WHAT

HAT he calls "the most momentous issue that has ever been presented to the people of the United States" is the subject of an appeal to the people of the country issued by President Wilson on October 3. Presumably on account of his illness, the President has not so far taken any active part in the campaign, and this utterance is naturally and justly regarded as one of the most important political occurrences since the nominating Conventions. As in his appeal to the voters just before the Congressional elections in 1918, President Wilson regards the coming election as a verdict upon his policies and his course of action. He speaks of the election as a "genuine National referendum." The people themselves by this election are to give "a sovereign mandate to their representatives" and "to instruct their own Government what they wish done."

The subject of that mandate he puts in these words:

The chief question that is put to you is, of course: Do you want your country's honor vindicated and the Treaty of Versailles ratified? Do you in particular approve of the League of Nations as organized and empowered in that Treaty? And do you wish to see the United States play its responsible part in it?

President Wilson avers that the people of the country have been misled with regard to the Treaty and the

John Cassel in the New York Evening World

Copyright, 1920, by The Press Publishing Co. (The New York Evening World) "GET OUT OF THE GAME!"

League. He sets forth America as "the light of the world" and he declares "this light the opponents of the League would quench." He reminds the country of the great expectations which the United States created in other nations by entering the war and helping to bring it to a victorious conclusion. He denies emphatically that the League would make it possible for other nations to lead us into war, and asserts that "those who drew the Covenant of the League were careful that it should contain nothing which interfered with or impaired the constitutional arrangements of any of the great nations which are to constitute its members." Not content with asserting his own interpretation of the Covenant, the President expresses his feelings about those who oppose that interpretation. "They have gone so far," he says,

that those who have spent their lives, as I have spent my life, in familiarizing themselves with the history and traditions and policies of the Nation, must

stand amazed at the gross ignorance and impudent audacity which have led them to attempt to invent an 'Americanism' of their own, which has no foundation whatever in any of the authentic traditions of the Government."

These words of the President may tend to stiffen the wills and stimulate the action of those who are already committed to his doctrines, but they will not tend to persuade those who have taken another point of view, or even incline to his side those who have been doubtful. Such extreme and impassioned utterances on matters which have

tion. Senator Harding's election will, I believe, insure more efficiency in the Government than will the election of Governor Cox, who, has been compelled to accept the reluctant support of certain members of the present Administration who could contribute little to the strength of the next Administration.

The italics are our own. These words have special significance coming from one who has had experience in the present Administration.

A REPUBLICAN ELDER STATESMAN

MR. BORAH AND MR. CROWELL

Two statements made are

wo statements just made are of particular interest to those who are watching the trend of the Presidential campaign.

One is by Senator Borah, of Idaho. His general position was outlined in a speech at Danbury, Connecticut:

The real question which this whole League scheme presents to the average citizen is this: Shall we go into Europe and take upon ourselves the turmoil, the strife, the racial conflicts, and the imperialistic schemes of the Old World, or shall we stay out?

Whether you call the scheme a League, a concert of powers, an alliance, or an association-they all lead you to Europe and place upon the already bended backs of the American taxpayers their exploitation and waste, and upon the shoulders of American youth the military burden which must eventually grow out of this scheme.

The second statement is from Benediet Crowell, former Assistant Secretary of War, who served as right-hand man to Secretary Baker during the World War. Mr. Crowell had to do with the general administration of the War Department with the exception of questions of policy and a few special activities; during Mr. Baker's several absences in Europe Mr. Crowell was Acting Secretary of War. Mr. Crowell supported President Wilson in 1912 and 1916. He does not propose to support him in 1920. In an interview, reported in the New York "Tribune," Mr. Crowell says:

It seems evident that Governor Cox is making many promises regarding the League which he may not be able to fulfill.

An efficient Administration, in my opinion, is the great issue in this elec

URRAY CRANE is dead, sixty-seven years old. He was a wise, sagacious, silent man. He was modest and retiring. Of great wealth, he was unostentatious and of simplest manner and habit-he used to smoke two-cent stogies, not that he did not enjoy better cigars, but the others were good enough for him! He shrank from prominence. He had no thirst for the newspaper headlines. Moreover, in his familiar talk there was never any braggadocio or self-advertising. To such a man people are apt to turn when they want advice or assistance. And they did-politicians and others.

Mr. Crane was himself also a politician in very truth. One of his Democratic opponents, Senator Harrison, of Mississippi, has said, "The Republican party never had a shrewder politician." Mr. Crane was also a statesman. He, it is claimed, was the ultimate source of the plan which President Roosevelt adopted for settling the anthracite strike of 1912. Mr. Roosevelt had a high opinion of Mr. Crane, and was therefore all the more disappointed when in 1912 the Massachusetts Senator found himself not in sympathy with the Progressive movement-indeed, Mr. Crane became one of the most subtly powerful members of the Old Guard, inexorably opposing Theodore Roosevelt, and wielded great influence in the Republican Convention of that year, as

also in that of 1916.

The Crane paper mills are particularly famous because of the manufacture of the paper on which the Government greenbacks, National bank notes, and Government bonds have been printed. While he was yet in his teens Winthrop Murray Crane, grandson of the founder of the great manufacturing industry in the Berkshires, entered the mills in the humblest capacity and worked his way to the top. So it was not until comparatively late in life that he entered public office. In 1896 he was elected Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts

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and was twice re-elected. In 1899 he was elected Governor and was also twice re-elected. In 1904, upon Senator Hoar's death, Governor Crane was elected to fill out the unexpired term, and at its end was returned to the Senate for another term. He retired from that body in 1913. With a single break of four years, Senator Craneca was a member of the Republican National Committee from 1892 to the Republican Convention of last June, when he gave way to Senator Weeks. Mr. Crane's retiral coincided with his unsuccessful effort to have a particular form of assertion appear in the Rek publican platform approving the Treaty d of Versailles and, with effective reservations, the League of Nations as embodied therein.

HEN an organization wins a tribute from those who are doubtful of its purpose and value, it receives the highest compliment that can be paid. Partisans are easy to convince of the justice of their own cause. It is accessious from the opposing ranks which is the real test of arguments or

We have received from a writer who has been inclined to be critical of the American Legion a letter which tells the story of the second annual Convention of the Legion. Because this account is in the main a significant tribute of the type which we have described, we quote from it at some length. Our correspondent writes:

"It was a solid front that the American Legion presented to the country at its second annual Convention in Cleveland last week. That must have come as a surprise to the very large proportion of public opinion that believed the Legion to be more an accumulation of posts than a well-knit organization of posts.

"The greatest single accomplishment was the decision of the Legion to keep out of politics. Not only was that the wish of the majority of its members, but it was the hope of the country at large. By their decision the delegates have expressed that wish and fulfilled that hope.

"It is gratifying that the first thought of the Convention and the first purpose of the new officers is for the disabled. The problems of vocational training and of compensation have been continuously vexatious. The agencies responsible for these services have been continuously criticised. The feeling that their failure has been due chiefly to lack of unity in

direction is widespread. The Legion now comes out for co-ordination of the Bureau of War Risk Insurance, the rehabilitation division of the Federal Board for Vocational Education, and that part of the Public Health Service that deals with ex-service men and women. It favors the plan, already advocated by others, of the creation of a special department of the Government, to be directed by a Cabinet officer, who di preferably shall be an ex-service man. This is deserving of consideration. The example has been well set abroad, where special ministers have been appointed i to look after the interests of those who served their country.

"In the matter of the bonus the Legion took the action that was

ex

countries, exclusion of 'picture brides,' and restriction of Japanese immigra tion. Action was precipitated by delegations from the Pacific slope; opposition came almost solely from New York. The South was with the West, as was to be expected; the East, with the exception of the Empire State, was silent. The danger lies not so much in the merits of the decision as in its advisability; to many minds it will appear that, in spite of its decision not to enter politics, by its action on the Japanese question the Legion actually has entered politics. This view the new National Commander, Colonel F. W. Galbraith, does not share. He has stated that the Japanese question is one of international policy, and that the Legion is well within its rights in passing judgment on it."

On the issue as thus drawn we are inclined to side with the Legion rather than with our correspondent. It seems to us that there is a real distinction between the support of party candidates and the support of principles of action and plans for National policy. The danger that lies in the attempt to voice the opinion of the Legion in matters of principle or policy is to be found, not in the injection of party politics, but in the fact that the Legion may be made to voice the opinion of the few in control rather than of the many in the ranks.

We believe that the Legion is entitled to express its opinion on questions of National policy. While our correspondent disagrees with us on this point, he agrees with us that, if the Legion is to attempt to pass judgment on National problems, there is a great need for sound leadership. Our correspondent continues:

"Colonel Galbraith, fortunately, seems to be well qualified for that leadership."

We publish on this page a portrait of Colonel Galbraith, and also of General Fayolle, who eral Fayolle, who represented the French Government at the Convention of the American Legion. General Fayolle was the commander of the Sixth Army. His most noteworthy victory was that of Noyon-Montdidier, which saved Amiens in the spring of

1918.

THE RULE OF UNREASON
IN IRELAND

IT would be valuable to know how

many of the Irish people are partisans and extremists, and how many are so disturbed by the evils now rampant in Ireland because of unreason and

partisanship. that they would welcome a proposal for Ireland's future based on mutual concessions and securities for peace and self-government within the Empire.

Viscount Grey's plan would seem to be a reasonable proposal for all but extremists and fanatics. But, in point of fact, it has met with fierce opposition both by Sinn Fein and by the Ulsterites. Briefly stated, Lord Grey proposes. that Ireland should be a Dominion, as Canada is. He declares that for the islands of Great Britain and Ireland there can be only one foreign policy, one army, and one navy," and that an actual division between the two which would mean independence for Ireland in these matters is no more to be.ac

VISCOUNT EDWARD GREY

which alone can any redress be obtained for ordinary crime or wrong-doing."

It was to be expected that such a proposal would meet with refusal from Sinn Fein, which has put itself in the attitude of refusing everything except absolute national independence. But even fiercer dissent comes from the other factions of extremists. Thus Sir Edward Carson declares that " a more hopeless suggestion never emanated It from the brain of a statesman. means, Sir Edward goes on to assert, "Abandon all those who are loyal to the crown, leave them to the tender mercies of their Sinn Fein fellow-countrymen, and if the Irish murder one another and exalt themselves in the slaughter we will look on without concern or responsibility."

It cannot be said that the plan suggested by Viscount Grey, constructive and reasonable as it is in theory, has done much to point the way to an actual settlement of the Irish difficulty.

republican crime outrages are bad enough, but they are not improved by sporadic acts of murder and arson committed by the guardians of the law."

ITALY'S INDUSTRIAL PROBLEM

OOD news comes from Italy in

despatch reporting an interview with Premier Giolitti.

The Italian Premier reports that the industrial crisis has been settled by an agreement between the metal workers and the manufacturers, which involves a moderate increase in wages and the creation of a commission composed of employers and employees which will present to the Government the project for a bill to be passed by Parliament enabling the men to check up. the financial and technical condition of the factories in which they work. The men are also granted one week's holiday every year. Premier Giolitti says:

We may congratulate ourselves on having solved this problem in accordance with the spirit of the age, and I firmly believe the present arrangement to do greater justice to Italian workers probably has postponed the advent of Socialism in Italy for perhaps a century, and certainly for fifty years. Concerning the Commission which has been created Premier Giolitti says:

This last is an excellent thing. There has been no want of mischief-makers who have assured the men their employers were realizing fabulous profits at the expense of workers. The latter were naturally inclined to believe this, but the day when their representatives can verify the accounts of factories and realize the revenues and expenses it will no longer be possible to trade upon the ignorance of workers and make bad blood between them and their employers. They will then know up to what limit they can ask for betterment of conditions, beyond which point insistence upon demands would be killing the goose that lays the golden eggs.

The agreement between the Italian October 2. It is strange that to secure employers and employees was signed on so moderate an agreement such drastic the laborers employed should be necessary. It does not speak well for the vision of Italian employers.

measures as

The outcome confirms the interpretation reported in The Outlook that the disturbances in Italy were not essentially Bolshevist.

Meanwhile an intolerable condition of what has come to be almost guerrilla warfare continues in many places. The Chief Secretary for Ireland declares that 103 policemen have been murdered and 170 wounded. The Sinn Feiners retort with the charge that the so-called reprisals by police and soldiers have laid villages in ruin, destroyed a great number of houses, and caused the killing without trial of many innocent men. Lord Robert Cecil, in a letter to the Ternment was due to the fact

London "Times," scores the Crovernment for weakness both in failing to keep order in Ireland and in failing to repress reprisals, declaring that "the

BOLIVIA AND THE SEA

HE recent overthrow of the Bolivian

that it was no longer representative of the people. The National Convention will elect a new President in November.

Meanwhile the Government is in the hands of a "Junta del Gobierno."

Bolivia, formerly upper Peru, had a province on the Pacific. Nitrate was discovered there. Bolivia laid an export duty on the saltpeter made from the nitrates, and, as this affected unfa vorably certain Chilean citizens and companies in the province, Chile protested against the impost. Then Peru decided to make a Government monop oly of her nitrate deposits to the north of the Bolivian province. As Chile had invested a great deal of money in the Peruvian province also, she objected, and followed up her objection by an invasion of all the provinces. Four years of warfare ended with complete victory for Chile. The treaty of peace gave to her the whole Bolivian coast, one of the Peruvian provinces, and the right of control of the northernmost Peruvian province for ten years, at the end of which time its future disposition was to be left to popular vote. When the ten years came to an end, no vote was taken, Chile and Peru failing to agree on how it should be taken. Nor have they since agreed. Meanwhile general "Chileization" has gone forward.

Bolivia, although without a port on the Pacific, has her own custom-houses in Chilean ports, and Chile does not collect any money for the right of transit of merchandise originating from or destined to Bolivia. The economic situation is not, therefore, as bad as it might be for Bolivia, but the nation is constantly galled by the remembrance of its former commercial and strategic independence, and is simply biding its time until it can avenge itself. It feels that its very sovereignty depends on the recovery of its seacoast.

TELKA (ETHEL) GERSTER is dead, sixty-five years old. She passed away at her villa near Bologna, her home for many years, even though dur ing earlier years she returned to it but for a few weeks at a time, succeeding dini, the opera director. her marriage in 1875 to Pietro Gar

Those who knew Madame GersterGardini personally, either there or here, will not soon forget the mobile, expressive face, the simple, winsome, serene manner, appropriate to a voice of marked equability, freshness, and limpidity of tone. While not a great singer as fulfilling the demands made upon one who essays the character of Isolde, for instance, in such operas as "Sonnambula," "Lucia," and "Rigoletto" Gerster was ideal.

Those were the days of the old Acad