restore the monarchy in Germany and obtain revenge over their recent enemies by disintegrating countries of western Europe through revolution. The highest positions in the Bolshevist army and the Soviet administration are in the hands of Germans who, camouflaged as Communists, try to sow the poison of hatred and internal dissolution in western countries. This is the reason why Lenine is particularly ferocious against those Italian Socialist leaders who are unwilling to drag their country to ruin as was planned by Lenine's inspirers in Berlin.

The third snag is in America. When President Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, was appealed to in behalf of international revolution, he replied that he lived in "a republic based upon the principles of freedom, justice, and universal suffrage," and that he and his colleagues were "not likely to throw these rights and principles into the scrap-heap for the dictatorship of Moscow's Lenine and Trotsky."

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS AND
THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN

HIRTY-ONE prominent Americans who have been actively connected, some of them for many years, with movements to promote international peace have just issued a notable statement reasserting their desire to have the United States "do her full part in association with the other civilized nations to prevent war," and announcing that in pursuance of this desire they propose to vote for Harding and Coolidge at the coming Presidential election. Among the signers of this statement are such lawyers as Elihu Root,

International

SOVIET WORKERS IN POSSESSION OF THE FIAT PLANT IN TURIN, ITALY. LUGIO PERODI, NEW SUPERINTENDENT IN CHARGE OF THE WORKS, IS SEATED AT THE LEFT

into it to go to war whenever war may be necessary to preserve the territorial integrity or political independence of any member of the League against external aggression." The signers add:

It is idle to say that Congress has power to refuse to authorize such a war, for, whenever the Treaty calls. for war, a refusal by Congress to pass the necessary resolution would be a refusal by our Government to keep the obligation of the Treaty. The alternative would be war, or a breach of the solemnly pledged faith of the United States. We cannot regard such a provision as necessary or useful for a League to preserve peace.

Charles E. Hughes, and Paul Cravath;
such men of affairs as Herbert Hoover
and Samuel Mather; such men in the
worlds of religion and journalism as,
Bishop Lawrence, Lyman Abbott, and
William Allen White; such college
presidents as Brookings of Washing-
ton University, Butler of Columbia
University, Dabney of the University
of Cincinnati, Faunce of Brown Uni-
versity, Goodnow of Johns Hopkins
University, Hibben of Princeton,
Humphreys of the Stevens Institute,
Hopkins of Dartmouth, Lowell of Har-
vard, Richmond of Union, Schurman,
former President of Cornell, Pritchett
of the Carnegie Foundation, Plimpton,
President of the Board of Trustees of
Amherst, Professors Willoughby of
Johns Hopkins and Lindsay of Colum-League which shall preserve
HE true way to bring America into

bia; also Mr. Taft, Mr. Wickersham,
of the League to Enforce Peace.
Mr. Ullman, and Mr. Oscar Straus, all

These men have been considering how they may most effectively contribute to the prevention of war by their votes in the coming election. That contest, they truly declare, "is not about the principle of a League of Nations; it is about the method. It is whether we shall join under an agreement . . negotiated by President Wilson at Paris or under an agreement which omits or modifies some of its provisions."

The principal change proposed concerns Article X of the League Covenant, as negotiated at Paris, which provides that the nations shall "preserve, as against external aggression, the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all members of the League." This, declares the signers, certainly binds every nation entering

66

SENATOR HARDING AND A LEAGUE OF NATIONS

peace is not by insisting with Mr. Wil son and Mr. Cox upon the acceptance of Article X, but, as is recommended, by frankly calling upon the other nations to agree to changes will obviate this vital objection." For such a course, conclude the signers,

66

which

we can look only to the Republican party and its candidate; the Democratic party and Mr. Cox are bound not to allow it." The signers might have added that, even were Mr. Cox elected, he could get nowhere, because more than a third of the holdover Senators are pledged to reject a League charter which contains Article X.

On the other hand, say the signers:

The Republican party is bound by every consideration of good faith to pursue such a course until the declared object is attained.

The conditions of Europe make it essential that the stabilizing effect of

the Treaty already made among the European Powers shall not be lost by them, and that the necessary changes be made by changing the terms of that Treaty rather than by beginning entirely anew.

That Mr. Harding is willing to folow this course is indicated in his peech of August 28:

If, in the failed League of Versailles, there can be found machinery which the [Hague] tribunal can use, properly and advantageously, by all means let it be appropriated.

I

would take and combine all that is good and excise all that is bad from both organizations [the League and the Court]. This statement is broad enough to include the suggestion that if the League ... has been so entwined and interwoven into the peace of Europe that its good must be preserved in order to stabilize the peace of that continent, then it can be amended or revised so that we may still have a remnant of the world's aspirations of 1918 builded into the world's highest conception of helpful co-operation in the ultimate realizations.

A RESTATEMENT OF

SENATOR HARDING'S POSITION

I

TN his recent speeches Mr. Harding Treiterates the statement made in his speech of August 28. He has also reiterated another statement then made: the Is I have said repeatedly that, when Celected, I will immediately summon the best minds in America

to consult and advise as to America's relationship to the present association of nations, to modifications of it or substitutes for it. I repeat now that this will be my course and it will be taken by me because it represents the American spirit and because it is the only lawful and appropriate course that a President should take. GTo this he added the other day in Indianapolis:

I am for co-operation among naAmerica must take her

tions.

part in the world's affairs. But we hold there is no need of an American surrender of sovereignty to play a righteous nation's part.

This may well answer the plea from Cox supporters that American "honor"

involved if we do not support in its entire substance the existing League of Nations. Who, above all, says our "honor" is already involved? The President. But he also said to the people of Europe that he had a mandate from the people of America. He had no such mandate. He signed a Covenant for a League of Nations concerning the provisions of which the American people had no chance to express their opinion by their votes. They now have such a chance. Whatever may be said in adverse criticism of other provisions, the provision which is, as the President

A QUESTION AND AN ANSWER

N 18 President Wilson

O'directed inquiries both to Senator

Harding and to the French Government as to the Republican candidate's statement at Greencastle, Indiana, that he had been informally approached by a representative of France who asked that the United States lead the way to a world fraternity. The President added:

I need not point out to you the grave and extraordinary inferences to be drawn from such a statementnamely, that the Government of France, which is a member of the League of Nations, approached a private citizen of a nation which is not a member of the League with a request "that the United States lead the way to a world fraternity."

This astonishing step by the President of course resulted in an immediate

reply from Mr. Harding, from which we quote the following":

It is very gratifying that you hesitate to draw inferences without my assurance that I am correctly quoted. The quotation as reported in your letter is not exact. The notes of the. stenographer reporting my remarks quote me as saying: "France has sent her spokesmen to me informally, asking America in its new realization of the situation to lead the way for an association of nations."

I am sure that my words could not be construed to say that the French Government has sent anybody to me. The thought I was trying to convey was that there had come to me those who spoke a sentiment which they represented to be very manifest among the French people, but nothing could suggest the French Government having violated the proprieties of international relations. Official France would never seek to go over your high office as our Chief Executive to appeal to the American people, or any portion thereof.

I can see no impropriety in private citizens of France, or in Americans deeply friendly to France, expressing to me their understanding of sentiment in that friendly Republic. Let me assure you again of the observance of all the proprieties and again assert that the French Government has maintained that great respect for your position to which I myself subscribe.

The whole affair is of importance only as an indication of Mr. Wilson's mental processes.

DOUBTFUL SENATORIAL
STATES

Maxction and believe it practically

ANY people concede Mr. Harding's

certain that the House of Representatives will be Republican. But no such prediction may be made of the Senate.

At present that body has a nominal Republican majority of two. But one of the two is absent on charges-Mr. Newberry; and another-Mr. La Follette is of little Republican comfort. If the Republican party is to control the National Government, the tide for the ticket must sweep along with it the Republican Senatorial candidates in the doubtful States. These States are: Arizona Indiana Ohio California Kentucky South Dakota Colorado Maryland Utah Idaho Missouri Wisconsin In Arizona Ralph H. Cameron, Republican, opposes the present sitting member, Marcus A. Smith. Mr. Smith's pro-Wilsonism may turn the election to Mr. Cameron's favor in a normally Democratic State.

In California Samuel Shortridge, Republican, opposes the present Senator, James D. Phelan, Democrat. Mr. Phelan, personally popular with all par

ties, has done a good deal for Calfornia in legislation. Mr. Shortridge, a "regular," defeated William Kent, a radical, at the primaries.

"

In Colorado Carl Schuyler, Republican, opposes the able Charles S. Thomas, the former Senator, who is standing, not as a Democrat, but as a "Nationalist;" also Tully Scott, the "regular" Democratic candidate. The Colorado Democratio organization, like that in Montana, has suffered from the Non-Partisan wave.

In Idaho Frank R. Gooding, Republican and former Governor of the State, who has once been defeated by John F. Nugent, Democrat, for the Senate, is now again facing him.

In Indiana James E. Watson, Republican, the present sitting member, is being opposed by the Democratic "boss" and ex-Senator, Thomas Taggart.

In Kentucky Richard P. Ernst, Republican, faces Senator J. C. W. Beckham, and is encouraged by the large vote given last year to Mr. Morrow, the Republican Governor of the State.

In Maryland O. F. Weller, Republican, is running against the present member, John Walter Smith, Democrat. The Negro vote may be the deciding factor in the situation.

have succeeded in capturing the Dem-. ocratic party of Montana. The Non-Partisan League and its affiliated forces of radicalism have succeeded in securing the Democratic nominations on the State ticket, with one exception, for their adherents.

The "one one exception " is the Democratic candidate for Attorney-General. The rest of the ticket should be Republican, asserts the Senator, in order to accomplish the defeat of Bolshevist Government.

Mr. Myers especially praised the qualifications of ex-Senator Joseph M. Dixon, the Progressive leader in 1912 and now Republican candidate for Governor. There are still factions in the Republican party of Montana, as Mr. Myers adds, but he urges that Republicans forget their grievances and unite in their support of Mr. Dixon. Certainly it is time, Senator Myers concludes, "for the decent, respectable people of Montana to lay aside all factional and partisan considerations and unite to save the State from the riot of Socialism, high taxation, misgovernment, and ruin."

Mr. Myers, whose term does not expire till 1923, has no occasion now to seek re-election; so his statement can hardly be interpreted as a bid for votes.

MISSOURI AND OTHERS

I'L Miss, uri publican aspencer, of Ott

N Missouri Selden P. Spencer, of St.

Louis, Republican and at present Senator, has as his opponent Breckenridge Long, recently Third Secretary of State. Mr. Spencer's disclosures concerning American assurances at the Paris Peace Conference may affect his chances favorably; on the other hand, Republican "machine" dissensions may affect them unfavorably.

In Ohio Frank B. Willis, Republican and former Governor, is being opposed by W. A. Julien, of Cincinnati, for the succession to Senator Harding's seat. Optimists look to Governor Willis's success as the natural first fruit of a Harding victory.

In South Dakota Peter Norbeck, Republican and Governor of the State, has as his opponent U. S. G. Cherry, an energetic campaigner. The State is normally Republican.

In Utah Reed Smoot, Republican and sitting member, finds in his Democratic opponent, Mr. Manning, a real antagonist. Though with liberals Mr. Smoot's dogged "regularity" militates against him, his great knowledge of economics and of legislative proceedings has given much alarm to his colleagues lest they lose him.

In Wisconsin the expected victory of

MISSIONARY AND EXPLORER

A

RCHDEACON HUDSON STUCK died recently at Fort Yukon, Alaska. His name is best known to the general public as that of the first explorer to set foot on the top of Mount McKinley, and incidentally to disprove the claims to that exploit made by Dr. Cook, of Arctic memory. Really his life of missionary work in Alaska was one long record of daring, travel, and hardship. He drove many thousands of miles by dog-sleds-probably at least twenty thousand miles to and fro over his vast parish. He was a man of marvelous endurance and pertinacity. The church work he built up in the Far North will be his best memorial. It added materially to the development of Alaska. As we pointed out in commenting on Dr. Stuck's book called "Ten Thousand Miles with a Dog Sled," he knew the Indian and the Eskimo as a country clergyman knows his parishioners, and he helped them fight their worst enemies-whisky and tuberculosis. To gether with Bishop Rowe he built up in Alaska missions and churches which are a high honor to the Protestant

Hudson Stuck was vigorous, manly, and energetic. His books reflect these qualities, and are among the most pictur

Keystone View Co.

THE HAITIAN SITUATION

S

ENSATIONAL headlines. in the newspapers of October 14 shocked many readers into the fear that the United States Marines in Haiti had been guilty

of indiscriminate cruelties which would have disgraced even the German occupiers of Belgium.

These headlines were based upon a report of conditions in Haiti made public by the Navy Department. Promptly upon the publication of excerpts from this report The Outlook telegraphed to the Navy Department for the complete statement. Up to the moment of going to press this statement has not yet been received. The Outlook remembers the time when a request from a responsible journal to a department of the Government for information of public importance was always promptly heeded. We do not know in the present instance whether we are indebted to the Navy Department or the Post Office Department for the delay.

Caution is necessary in the consideration of such charges as have been made. We are naturally reluctant to base any conclusions upon excerpts from a report which we have not seen in its entirety. It seems safe to say, however, that there has been maladministration in certain isolated districts in

Haiti which has resulted in the imposition of forced labor upon the natives contrary to the letter of the Haitian law and the spirit of American institutions. Certain officers of the Marine Corps in Haiti and of the gendarmerie, which has been under the authority of the Marine Corps, appear to have been guilty of unjustified killing.

During the five years of the United States occupation of Haiti it is estimated that 3,250 Haitians have been killed, while one officer of the Marine Corps and twelve enlisted men have Marine Corps and twenty-six enlisted been killed, and two officers of the

men were wounded in action. More than half of the Haitians killed died in an attack on Port-au-Prince after its

occupation by American troops. Dur ing part of our, occupation actual war has existed, and during the whole time ed, and bushwhacking by bandits has never ceased in parts of the island.

When the United States went into the Philippines, acts of individual cruelty and acts of oppressive maladministra tion actually took place. At that time The Outlook took the position that the administration of the Philippines should not be condemned in toto because of the acts of individuals unless it could be shown that these acts were connived at by those in authority and that no effort was made to punish the offenders. The history of our occupation of the Philip pines showed that the American Gor ernment took every step possible to prevent the recurrence of outrages and to expedite the punishment of those who were guilty of them.

There is every indication that the Navy Department is ready and willing to go to the bottom of the charges against any officers of the Marine Corps who may have been guilty of oppression or outrage. They will be promptly court-martialed and punished. Secre tary Daniels has ordered a Court of Inquiry, consisting of Admiral Henry T. Mayo, former Commander-in-Chief of the Atlantic Fleet, Admiral James H. Oliver, and Brigadier-General Jo seph H. Pendleton, of the United States Marine Corps. The caliber of the men named on this Court is a guaranty that the inquiry will be thoroughly and tainly recommends that its readers faithfully conducted. The Outlook cerwithhold judgment upon the Haitian situation until the findings of this Court are published.

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