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his home in Maillane. Memorable ays!

Mistral was (1905) in his seventycond year, but he did not look his age twenty years. He had light hair rning gray, blue-gray eyes, was fairvored, not of a Latin type, true Gason as he was, but, like Loubet and odin, probably of Norman stock. He

broad-shouldered, deep-chested, ry tall, very handsome. He laughingly ld me that he resembled Buffalo Bill, d he did a very refined Buffalo Bill. He had never been seriously ill in his life. ewas a healthy, wholesome, very active, werful, athletic man; at seventy-two seemed to be in his prime. There is not a trace of vanity in his makeup, t he loved to be praised; loved to be ld that people loved him. He loved tance, his nation, loved Provence, his ys, loved his foyer. He could not ar to leave his home, would not go to ris, so far from home, even to be ade an Académicien. The love he bore 3 compatriots, "mes Provençeaux," as called them, was returned many Lousandfold. He had more than two ousand goddaughters (Provençelles), med after the heroine of his great em Mirèio (Mireille). In my unds with him he seemed never to eet man, woman, or child who did not ow him personally and whom he did t know. Men took off their hats to 12 m and called him Maître; women urtesied to him and asked him how he and how was Madame; children a after him to be patted on the head; en the good doggies of the vicinage a to him to wag their joy at seeing n. I never saw a man so loving and red, so contented with his lot and o had so many sure reasons for conFat. I think of him as the most envile man I ever met.

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And now I shall tell you the profitle little tale you said you would like have me write down for you:

Mistral's study, one of four small oms on the ground floor of his house Maillane, was not more than fifteen et square, with one window giving to le west and one to the south; there as an open fireplace, the floor was unrpeted, polished by many and frelent scrubbings, the walls were of hite plaster, and on them were hung any photographs of the poet's friends id admirers. There was one of which e Maître spoke en passant and without verence, an autographed photograph the Emperor of Germany. Mistral ever forgot that he had been a francreur in 1870! He did, however, point ith approval to the likeness signed by ictor Emmanuel III of Italy, and called y attention particularly to those of ladstone, Castelar, Alphonse Daudet, nd Gambetta. There were numerous ther gift photographs signed by the reat ones of state, literature, science, nd the arts. All these he told me he hould remove to his museum in Arles,

where they might be seen of his countryfolk, who would treasure them after he was gone. To one photograph that hung on the wall above his desk where it was in front of him as he sat to write, to be seen whenever he lifted his eyes from his work (I cannot remember now, after twelve years, whether or no it was signed by its original), but to that photograph of all Mistral particularly called my attention; he spoke of it as the chief treasure of his collection, and I remember how my heart went out to Le Maître when he turned to me and, throwing up his head, said: "If I could go to your America, it would be to take him by the hand." The photograph in question was that of your brother put ting his horse over a high leap--and ting his horse over a high leap--and Mistral's comment on it was: "He rides straight, and for him there are no unconquerable obstacles." Then from a drawer in his desk he took a package containing the original manuscript of the letter to a copy of which, printed in "Memoirs of Mistral, rendered into English by Constance Elizabeth Maud," I called your attention last Sunday, and which, when we begged you to do so, you were so kind as to read aloud to my wife, to brother David and me. I inclose several typewritten copies of the letter as it appears in the book above named. The original manuscript of this letter is now (framed and exhibited) in Mistral's Provençal Museum at Arles. Carefully undoing the package, Mistral handed

My dear M. Mistral:

me the original letter and requested me to read it aloud to him; although, as he confessed, he did not understand English, he wished to hear the words again. He had had it translated into French (I think by Robert P. Skinner, then United States Consul at Marseilles), and from that French version he himself had made a translation into Provençal, which, he said, he carried about with him so that he might read it to his friends, as he often did, to their great profit and delight. As I began to read what, permit me to say, I believe to be one of the most inspired and inspiring letters ever written by one man of genius to another, Madame Mistral laid aside her sewing and, arising, stood intent and silent. Mistral himself listened acutely, gently waving his right arm as if beating time as he was wont to do when reciting passages of his own poetry. He evidently had heard the letter read so often that he could follow the sense of it line by line, and as I spoke the English words he seemed to know them by heart had them in his heart although he could not bring them to speech. When I finished by reading the signature, "Theodore Roosevelt, Mistral turned to me, his eyes shining with glad emotion, and said: "C'est lui qui donne une nouvelle espérance à l'Humanité."

WILLIAM AGNEW PATON.
Princeton, New Jersey,
February 22, 1918.

White House, Washington, December 15, 1904.

Mrs. Roosevelt and I were equally pleased with the book and the
medal, and none the less because for nearly twenty years we have pos-
sessed a copy of "Mireille." That copy we shall keep for old association's
sake; though this new copy with the personal inscription by you must
hereafter
occupy the place of honor.

All success to you and your associates! You are teaching the lesson
that none need more to learn than we of the West, we of the eager, rest-
less, wealth-seeking nation; the lesson that after a certain not very high
level of material well-being has been reached, then the things that really
count in life are the things of the spirit. Factories and railways are good
up to a certain point; but courage and endurance, love of wife and child,
love of home and country, love of lover for sweetheart, love of beauty
in man's work and in nature, love and emulation of daring and of lofty
endeavor, the homely workaday virtues and the heroic virtues—these are
better still, and if they are lacking, no piled-up riches, no roaring, clang-
ing industrialism, no feverish and many-sided activity shall avail either
the individual or the nation. I do not undervalue these things of a
nation's body; I only desire that they shall not make us forget that
beside the nation's body there is also the nation's soul.
Again thanking you, on behalf of both of us,

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LEADERS IN INDUSTRY, BUSINESS, AND FINANCE

TELL HOW THEY WILL VOTE AND WHY

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IGHT of the foremost American novelists and one hundred and forty-seven presidents of American colleges and universities have in the last two issues of The Outlook answered its question, "How Will You Vote and Why?" The Outlook, in its endeavor to make its poll of public opinion broadly representative of American life, turned for its third discussion of the issues of the campaign to men of affairs.

"AS A REPUBLICAN I AM GOING TO VOTE FOR THE DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATE"

By James H. McIntosh General Counsel for the New York Life Insurance Company

ou ask me whom I am going to

Yvota for in this election, and why. I answer, as a Republican I am going to vote for the Democratic candidate for President, and I will tell you why.

We started out to lick the Germans and to punish them. I believe in finishing the job, and finishing it right.

The League of Nations is a subordinate issue in this election. The real issue is, Shall the United States sign the Peace Treaty, or shall the United States abandon her allies, turn her back on her soldiers, let the enemy they defeated go unwhipped of justice, and, instead of signing a peace treaty under which the defeated and despicable enemy will be suitably punished, make a peace, as the Republican, candidate says, "by resolution of Congress"?

This is the issue the people are to vote on, and, so far as I have been able to find out, nobody seems to know it.

The Republican candidate says he is not in favor of signing the Peace Treaty which our allies have signed and compelled the enemy to sign because it involves entering the League of Nations; that we ought to have peace, and therefore he is in favor of making peace by a Republican Congress passing a resolution declaring that a state of peace exists; and that no effort should be made to make a separate peace with the enemy.

Thus it is the Republican policy to abandon our allies, to turn away from the defeated enemy without exacting justice from him, and to say to our soldiers, living and dead, that what they fought and many of them died for did not amount to enough to justify American statesmanship in following up their victory with appropriate punishment of the enemy. Thus what American valor won, American statesmanship, blinded by party prejudice, would lose.

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Ten representative men of affairs whom we approached have, however, shown themselves exceptions to this general rule. These ten men are happily representatives of widely scattered in terests. We are certain that readers of The Outlook will give to the opinions expressed in this group of replies the closest attention and the weightiest con FTS sideration. The arguments are worth listening to.-THE EDITORS.

Signing the Peace Treaty involves also joining the League of Nations. This, however, is comparatively unimportant; for, whether the League prove to be good or whether it prove to be bad, we are not necessarily in it for ever. But we are out of the Peace Treaty forever unless we become a party to it.

The Republicans meet this by saying we get nothing out of the Peace Treaty. The obvious answer is twofold: first, it is not true; second, if it were true, it would not justify the loss of our National honor.

The Republicans also say that the enemy will be punished. The answer to this is that the enemy will not be ade quately punished. Unless the United States is a party to the Treaty, Ger many will never observe its terms either in letter or in spirit, and probably cannot be made to. But if the enemy were

adequately punished without the help of the United States, does this justify us in shirking our duty? Is it honorable to ask other nations to do what we

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"I PROPOSE TO VOTE FOR HARDING AND COOLIDGE”

By Charles G. Washburn Business man, ex-Congressman from Worcester, Massachusetts, and biographer of Theodore Roosevelt

N response to your request, I beg to say that in the approaching Presidential election I propose to vote or Harding and Coolidge. One reason s that I am a Republican; another and better reason, that the Republican party is far better fitted than the Demoratic to deal with our domestic and oreign problems, never more complex han at the present time.

I have heard it said that Senator Harding is not an "ideal" candidate. it should be remembered that supermen are scarce. A Lincoln or a Rooseelt comes perhaps once in a century. We can no more expect them in poliics than in other fields of human activty. Year in and year out the work of he world must be done by the man of

safe and sound. He will make friends wherever he goes, because he is a thoroughly human and likable person.

In the nomination of Coolidge we of Massachusetts are highly satisfied, because we know the man; but beyond this the nomination was more than that of a man, it was the recognition of a principle, of the paramount importance of the preservation, particularly at this time, of law and order, of the supremacy of right action in an emergency over mere expediency. That is why a member from Oregon nominated Coolidge, and why he was supported by those who never saw the man, but knew what he had done, demonstrating the virility of the principle that this is a government of laws and not of men. This should be a matter of profound satisfaction.

The candidates will, if elected, respond to the best aspirations of the American people, both in the conduct of our own Government and in our relations with the other nations of the world.

"VOTE AGAINST CANDIDATES WHOSE RECORDS ARE A PLEDGE OF REACTION"

By Samuel Gompers

President of the American Federation of Labor

to your question is

werage gifts, with high ideals to be M this. I will vote, and I urge my

ure, and possessed of the fundamental qualities of honesty and industry, suplemented by a good education. It is Fortunate that the business of the world Ban be conducted by such men, as there dre no others to do it.

I feel that the Republican party and he country at large should be abunlantly satisfied with the nominations at Chicago, both in the selection of candilates and what that selection implies. Both candidates are thoroughly typical f the democratic spirit which should ervade every branch of our Governnent. Both are in a sense self-made men ecause, although each has had a liberal ducation, each has had in his boyhood he kind of discipline that accompanies necessity for personal endeavor on the art of those who cannot rely excluively upon their support by others. Both understand the needs, the trials, he aspirations of the average American itizen.

Senator Harding's relations with the nembers of both houses of Congress, if e is elected President, will be human, #ntelligent, and sympathetic, which will e of enormous advantage to the Country. He will be a team-worker, not dictator. He has in large measure the genius of common sense, and will surround himself with good advisers. He will subordinate any personal prejudices The may have, if he has any, to the Composite sound judgment of the people. He may not be in any way spectacular, but he will be in every way

fellow-citizens everywhere to vote, against the candidates whose records and whose professions are a pledge

of reaction. In the case of the Presidency, the platform of the Democratic party is far in advance of the platform of the Republican party, and the record and spirit of that for which Governor Cox stands are infinitely superior to the record and spirit of that for which Senator Harding stands. As Governor of Ohio, Mr. Cox has not in any single case acted against the interests of the working people and the masses of the people. This is a remarkable record of construction work. I do not believe the American people will hesitate in making a choice in a case where the line of demarcation between progress and reaction is so clear, and I know they cannot afford to hesitate. Reaction scoffs at ideals, but the American people have builded this great Nation upon ideals, and they will in this crisis find the way to give continued expression to the ideals and principles in which they have placed their faith.

"A SQUARE DEAL IS ALL LABOR IS ASKING FOR"

By T. V. O'Connor President of the Longshoremen's Association, New York City

Y you request that I state, for publication, for whom I am going to

OUR telegram of October 4, where

vote for President, and why, has been received, and in compliance therewith I desire to make the following statement:

Replying first to the inquiry as to whom I shall vote for in the coming Presidential election, wish to state that I have decided to cast my vote for Senator W. G. Harding, the Repubcan candidate.

Outlining briefly my reasons for so doing, suffice it to say that I believe a change is essential in order to restore public confidence and bring about a settled condition of affairs in this country, and, in my opinion, a change in Administration will have the effect of doing this more quickly and effectively than anything else could. Senator Harding has stated that if he is elected. labor will get a square deal, which is all labor is asking for or can expect, and I feel confident that if he is elected to the Presidency he will make good this promise.

"IT IS UNTHINKABLE THAT WE ARE TO SCRAP THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

I

By Frank M. Patterson
General Counsel of the Guaranty Trust Co.,
New York

INTEND to cast my vote for Gov-
ernor Cox, of Ohio.

I will do this, primarily, for the reason that he has come out squarely and without equivocation in support of the League of Nations; secondarily, all other qualifications being equal, I would naturally support him because he is a Democrat, upholding the policies of the Wilson Administration.

In this campaign, to my mind, a greater moral issue has presented itself to the voters than in many years past. In the last few Presidential campaigns problems of more or less domestic importance presented themselves for decision. In the present campaign the overshadowing issue is the League of Nations, the proper solution of which affects the happiness and welfare of the whole civilized world.

It is unthinkable that we are to scrap the League of Nations. If so, what about our soldier dead, and the thousands of our boys who fought the fight, many of whom have returned with life wounds? Was our entry into the war simply a great adventure to no purpose? The League is the only apparent fruit of that Great War, and I, for one, am unwilling to impair or forego the great benefits, morally, politically, and commercially, which must flow to this Nation from active participation in the League.

Cox promises this participation. Harding does not.

Some knowledge of international affairs and an appreciation of the dire consequences to us for failure to ratify the League Treaty make me an enthu

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siastic supporter of the League and the candidate advocating it.

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1. Because the Democratic party, in order to win the 1916 election, promised to "keep us out of war."

2. Because the Democratic party, with full knowledge of our needs, refrained from a programme of preparedness, in order to avert suspicion that war was imminent. This is the greatest political crime in our Nation's history!

3. Because the Democratic party, since the war, has shown its unpre paredness to handle the problems of reconstruction.

4. Because the Democratic party, in the face of European competitiongovernment-subsidized and cutthroatopposes a protective tariff.

5. Because the Democratic party would surrender American nationalism to the super-government of the SmutsCecil-Wilson League.

6. Because the Democratic party, in its fatuous attempt to catch the labor vote, is willing to sacrifice the general welfare by servilely yielding to the dictates of certain labor leaders.

7. Because for eight years the Democratic Administration has exhibited bitter partisanship and narrow sectionalism.

8. Because the Democratic party, by its meddlesome, vacillating, and pusillanimous foreign policy, has created abroad hatred and contempt for the American flag.

9. Because the Democratic National candidates are not men of the first caliber.

10. I shall vote for Harding and Coolidge, the Republican National candidates, because they are eminently qualified to represent the spirit and policies of that party which is the exponent of our National aspiration.

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"HARDING WILL CALL TO HIS AID THE LABORER, FARMER, AND BUSINESS MAN"

By George M. Reynolds

President of the Continental and Commercial

National Bank, Chicago, Illinois
URING the next four years we

D' shall, in all probability, be called

upon to deal with some of the most momentous questions that have ever come before our people or our Government. With the gravity of such a probability in mind, I shall vote for Warren G. Harding for President. I believe he is best able to direct domestic affairs with safety, and that he will so shape our foreign policy as to gain and hold the respect and friendship of the balance of the world.

We never needed a leader more than now. Mr. Harding measures up to the

full requirements of leadership. A man of broad knowledge and diversified ex perience, he has the dignity of bearing, vigor of mind, and power of prompt action to place him in the forefront of any movement for the welfare of the people.

Trained in business, public and pri vate, he has the ability, willingness, and purpose to insist upon a business like Administration. It is practically two years since the armistice was signed, and yet taxes are approximately the same now as when we reached the peak of taxation in the seventeen months of our participation in the war. Can any fair-minded voter believe that we are likely to have a reduction of taxes until there is a man in the White House who will demand the adoption of a National budget, and one who will insist upon economy in the use of public money?

International

THE HOUSE AND CELEBRATED "FRONT PORCH" OF SENATOR HARDING AT MARION, OHIO

(C) Underwood & Underwood

JUST HALF OF THIS HOUSE IS OCCUPIED BY GOVERNOR COOLIDGE AT NORTHAMPTON, MASS.

Senator Harding has the strength of character to do this, and he has promised to do it.

It were foolish to shut our eyes to the unrest now prevalent throughout the country. It springs from the problems that must be settled within the coming four years. I want to do my part towards intrusting the solution of those problems to a man like Harding, who will call to his aid the laborer, farmer, and business man. He will consult the representatives of each, and from them learn the true conditions. From them he will get suggestions as to the proper remedies to be applied. He realizes that no one man is big enough to run this Government alone; he knows he must have all the help he can secure, and he will fill Cabinet and other responsible positions with the most capable men from the various leading groups

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in the country. He will give us a representative Administration that will be progressive but not radical. He will work towards stable conditions and will inspire confidence.

"THE QUESTION OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS OVERSHADOWS ALL OTHERS "

By William Rand Formerly Assistant District Attorney, New York City

INTEND to vote for the electors on the Democratic ticket. Although I believe that the record of the Wilson Administrations in domestic affairs is commendable, a contrary opinion would not alter this intention, because,. in my judgment, the question of our participation in the League of

Nations overshadows in importance all others. The Covenant of the League is concededly imperfect, and will require amendment as occasions arise, but it offers the only practicable and available plan for promoting international justice and protecting the peace of the world, and in its main features is a wonderful achievement of statesmanship. The Republican platform and candidate propose that we shall refrain from participation in this League, adopted by other nations largely upon the insistence of our President, and shall pursue a policy of selfish isolation, which history shows to be the precursor of war. With the slogan of America first" they propose to abandon our late. associates, and to conclude a separate peace with our enemies. I consider such a policy neither wise nor honorable.

I am for Cox and Roosevelt just because I am for America first, and not last, in honor and in service to mankind.

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"HARDING AND COOLIDGE, BECAUSE I AM OPPOSED TO THE WILSON LEAGUE"

I

·By Charles Sumner Bird Manufacturer and Progressive Candidate for Governor of Massachusetts in 1912

AM for Harding and Coolidge.

First-Because I am opposed to the Wilson League, which, if ratified, would, as I see it, impose upon us moral obligations at least which if called upon we would probably never carry into effect; in other words, I would not have America agree to do anything that some day she might refuse to do.

Second-Because the Democratic party has been and is committed to a free-trade policy. The UnderwoodSimmons tariff imposes only an average eight per cent duty upon imported merchandise. It does not and will not protect the wage-earner or the wagepayer. During the Great War no protective tariff was needed, but to-day textiles are coming from England and Belgium at an increasing and alarming rate. Within two years, unless the tariff is changed, our markets will be smothered and many of our factories will be closed. I have never asked for tariff protection for the products of my business, but I am satisfied that some American products need protection, and if we intend to keep the American standard of living above that existing in Europe and Asia I am confident that we must have a tariff much higher than anything we are likely to get from the Democratic party.

Third-Because Governor Cox is not big enough for the biggest job in the world; and, furthermore, because there is not in the Democratic party a sufficient number of competent men out of which a President could choose his Cabinet.

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