re In many respects the culmination of Governor Cox's campaign was reached n New York City, where he spent Saturday, October 23, making speeches, losing with one at a great mass-meetng in Madison Square Garden. The neeting was under the direction of the Non-Partisan Citizens' Committee, the Chairman of which was Nathan Straus. Among the speakers was Rabbi Wise. One reason for the effectiveness of is speech was the informality with hich Governor Cox treated his audince. He spoke of the occasion as a own meeting. Much of his speech he evoted to the League of Nations. He eferred to the League as originating the minds of many men here and elsehere, and claimed that it is not a Wilon League nor a British League, but a Vorld League. He paid a tribute to e President as a soldier wounded in ar as truly as any who fell in France. le declared that the League of Naons was supported by practically all he great churches, Protestant, Cathoc, Jewish. Then he did with the ovenant of the League, to use his wn language, "just what we do with he old Ford when we want to become amiliar with its parts "-he took it part, considered its various provisions, nd discussed the objections to them. le enumerated four causes of war-the tealing of territory, the building of NOVEMBER 3, 1920 clared Ireland was our business because it was not a domestic question of Great Britain, but was a world issue. He defended giving Australia and Canada and other parts of the British Empire each a vote in the League on the ground that it was only fair that Canada should have one if Ireland was entitled to one--a curious argument justifying the existing vote of Canada by the non-existent vote of Ireland. He repeated his attacks on the Senators who supported the Lodge reserva Next week's issue of The Outlook, the first to go to press after Election Day, will present The Outlook's report and interpretation of the election results. tions, protested against the National isolation of America that he assumed would ensue if we did not accept the League, ascribed business difficulties to our delay in joining the League, and said that his election would be a mandate for the League, inasmuch as nobody would vote for him except those who wished the League. In attempting to secure the ratification of the League Covenant he would, he said, sit down at a table with the members of the United States Senate and would say: "Gentlemen, there has been enough discussion, there has been enough conversation; the election has brought forth a mandate. It is time for action." He added that if elected he would lift this issue out of politics. ROOT VS. COX President Wilson says, Article rmaments, secret diplomacy, and ulti-Axis "the heart of the League. Article X is a solemn and positive agreement to guarantee and maintain by force of arms for all time the dispositions of territory and sovereignty which these four men [Lloyd George, Clemenceau, Orlando, and Wilson] made in 1919. About the worst thing in the relations between nations is to make a treaty and break it. To maintain the faith of treaties is a prime necessity for the peace of the world. To manufacture treaties that are to be scraps of is fatal to the moral standards through which alone served. paper peace can be pre I go further and assert that Article X is inconsistent with the purpose and spirit of the League. Article X is an attempt to carry over and continue for all time as a part of the organization to preserve peace the exercise of power by the conqueror nations in closing the war. It is an alliance to enforce perpetually through the operations of the League the decisions of Mr. Wilson and his associates in the year 1919... It speaks a language of power and not the spirit of progress. Mr. Root declared that "if Mr. Cox should be elected he would be bound to continue the old struggle to force the Senate to accept the League Covenant without change, which kept us out of the League for more than a year." With an expression of indignation, Mr. Cox immediately quoted from his own repeated statements to show that he was willing to accept reservations to the Covenant "that will clearly state to our associates in the League that Congress and Congress alone has the right to declare war and that " our Consti tution sets up limits in legislation or treaty-making beyond which we cannot go." But this, Mr. Root replied, "is absolutely nothing." He added: Everybody knows already that only Congress has the right to declare war.... You accomplish nothing by telling them of it again. The trouble about giving the guaranty provided in Article X is that the making of a treaty containing it is a solemn assurance to all the nations that it is within the treaty-making power and that the promise to make war binds Congress as fully as it binds all other members of our Government to maintain the plighted faith of the United States. A refusal by Congress to pass the necessary resolution would simply be a breach of the Treaty. ARTICLE X AND ONE-MAN POWER S ENATOR LODGE, in his address of October 17 in New York City, pointed out an additional objection to Article X. Not only does its moral obligation bind us to send troops and ships to engage in a foreign war, but the consent of the United States, were it a member of the League, would be the consent of one man, not necessarily representative of the Nation's convictions. How is the representative of the United States on the Council of the League to be selected?" inquired Mr. Lodge. He answered: 66 Under the Covenant of the League the President could send a representative to the Council.... That representative could involve us in war under Article X. The compelling moral obligation would then apply and Congress would have no choice except to give the formal authority. We met this difficulty by a reservation as follows . . .: "No person is or shall be authorized to represent the United States except pursuant to an act of Congress. This is one of the reservations which Mr. Wilson condemned as nullifying the League, and yet that reservation is all that would stand between this country and war brought on by the President and his personal agent. Under the Constitution the Congress alone can declare war, and yet under the League the President would have power to involve the country in war before Congress could act. THE CRISIS IN GREECE HERE has been a sudden turn of THERE's in Greece because young King Alexander, as the result of poisoning from the bite of a monkey, has died. There are difficulties in the succession by his younger brother, Paul, a lad of nineteen and a possible reactionary. Hence many observers have been speculating on the chances of success or failure which the establishment of a republic there would encounter. We may think that because Greece has furnished to the world a statesman of the first rank other Greeks approach him in ability. Not so. Venizelos must feel lonely as he looks upon his fellow Greek politicians. Alert, adroit, intelligent, the Greeks are, but they have still to prove that they have become again a great people. You can hardly make a republic of one man; if you could, Venizelos might .well be that man. He it was who reunited Crete to Greece. He it was who, before the first Balkan War, formed a Balkan Federation which successfully stood the test of more than one war. Out of those conflicts Greece greatly extended her territory, and through his guidance, out of the more recent con (C) Keystone THE LATE KING ALEXANDER OF GREECE, AND HIS WIFE flict, has doubled her territory. The world thus knows Venizelos mostly because of his foreign policy. The Greeks know him even more intimately because of his internal policy. This has been chiefly crystallized in the framing and operation of the present Greek Constitution, of which he, far more than other is the author. And yet, with all this wonderful record, Venizelos is not popular with the aristocracy and Court set. Most of them were loyal to King Constantine during the war. Plottings to bring about the King's return seem to go on unceasingly, if we may believe the reports from France, Italy, Switzerland, and Greece. The present monarchical crisis reinforces the plotters' energy. Yet the world is looking with skeptical eyes at any attempt to restore Constantine. The world admires Venizelos. For centuries the Greeks have been glad of the good opinion of others. They will be in danger of sacrificing it if they do not show that they value their great statesman in this crisis. otic ideal. From the point of view of reason and political common sense his position was untenable, but there seems to be little difference of opinion that he was actuated by a sincere, however greatly mistaken, belief that his course of action would help to bring about the existence of the Irish Republic in which he so firmly believed. Non-partisans in Irish matters find it difficult to have patience with the idea of victory through suicide. There have been, we believe, twelve men, some of them convicted of open criminal actions, such as the possession of bombs for insurrectionary purposes, some of them, like Mayor MacSwiney, charged with possession of seditious documents or the making of speeches of a seditions nature. Three of these hunger striken have now died after an extraordinary and almost unbelievable term of exist ence without food or, if some runiors are correct, with the surreptitious ad ministration of a very little food. Mayor MacSwiney died on the seventy-fourth day of his hunger strike. His adherents and relatives have denied positively that any food was given to him except at the very end, and then when he was uncon scious. When we remember that previously other Irish prisoners had done the same thing and that some of these earlier hunger strikers had succeeded in their object-that is, the Government took what is now considered the weak course of releasing the prisoners rather than pressing the matter to a conclusion-it is evident that the British Government had a choice between two things only: one, to continue to release prisoners wherever the weapon of a hunger strike was used, which would mean practically abnegation of the power of govern ment; the other, to refuse to release them under threat of suicide, and thus maintain the law. It is hard, however, to see the wisdom in the policy of the British Government in granting these prisoners both martyr. dom and publicity. Forcible feeding would have prevented the one, and the restriction of the constant interviews with relatives would have prevented Meanwhile, instances of violence and bloodshed continue to abound in Ire land. If there is any general movement within the Irish factions which are so bitterly opposed to one another, it is not apparent on the face of things. The Government is still hopeful that its new Home Rule Bill will afford a means of compromise, but this hopefulness does not seem to be shared widely by the press or people. It is easy to suggest Keystone View Co. theoretical compromises, but the senti- THE LABOR CRISIS IN HE first week of the coal miners' The first week of the n was one of negotiations for a compromise settle ment. The railway employees with some reluctance voted to support the coal miners' strike, provided that the British Government did not propose reasonable terms of settlement, and, as such negotiations seem to be going on, the railway unions and the transport unions, which, together with the miners' unions, make up the "Triple Alliance," have abstained from action. The proposals which are said to be offered by the Government would, it is believed, temporarily grant the two shillings a day advance demanded by the miners, while a permanent wage ington and new plans are made for pushing the different forms of human service. The reports made in this connection are decidedly interesting. There has been a call for service in no less than seventy-three disasters in this country. Tornadoes, cyclones, cloudbursts, earthquakes, fires, floods, shipwrecks, and other forms of distress are included. The largest disaster of the year recorded was at Corpus Christi, Texas, when four hundred people were killed and four thousand made homeless. When the explosion in Wall Street occurred, the Red Cross did astonishingly quick work in getting to the spot a large number of doctors, nurses, and work ers. Always in case of disaster the Red Cross is prepared with material, money, and men and women to bring quick and efficient relief. One of the chief lines of extension of Red Cross work in time of peace has been its Health Service; at this time over thirty-six thousand nurses are on the Red Cross rolls. The education of the people as to health and as to what should be done in preserving and restor ing health conditions is invaluable and is continually increasing. One of the most active and enthusi astic of Red Cross officials in a letter to The Outlook sums up the answer to the questions asked above by say ing: "The peace programme of the Red Cross for its own country is to do for America exactly the sort of work in public health that we have done for the peoples of Europe. We must recognize that we have our own backwoods, our own native population in inaccessible districts, who need education in hygiene as much as any of the women, men, and children in Europe. This is the best kind of Americanism to practice." Through sympathy, membership, and support the American people will cer tainly continue to evince their profound faith in their National human institu tion, the American Red Cross. AN ENGINEERING VENTURE AST month the States of New Lork and New Jersey began board could be created to take up the thing else the Red Cross does, is pri- York and New Jersey began a whole subject for settlement. The opinion in Great Britain seems to be about evenly divided as to whether these negotiations will end in a deadlock or in an agreement. THE RED CROSS CARRIES ON HAT is the Red Cross doing, now that its war work is through? is a question often asked. Well, in the On November 11 begins the annual Roll-Call of the Red Cross. This is not, as some people suppose, an outgrowth of the war. The Roll-Call was an established institution before the .war. It is primarily for the continuance and increase of membership. Naturally, the time is suitable for a roundup of Red Cross activities. A National Red Cross Convention is held in Wash venture in engineering which will call for all the resources of that science to complete successfully. On October 12 ground was broken for a vehicular tunnel under the Hudson River. It is true that tunnels under the Hudson River have existed for a number of years, but the vehicular project presents difficulties which did not exist in the cases of the railway tunnels of the |