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son set forth his conception of the Presidency. When he became President, he put that conception into practice. He has frankly dominated the Government. He has been content only to work with executive associates whom he could control. He has undertaken not to consult with Congress but to direct it. The very manner of his delivery of his Messages to Congress, his insistence upon his decisions in legislative matters (sometimes without revealing his reasons, as in the question of Panama Canal tolls), his appeals to the people on personal grounds, becoming so pronounced as to lead him to term those who disagreed with him impertinent and ignorant, and not least his personal conduct of foreign affairs in disregard of the popular judgment for which he had himself asked-all are but examples of a deliberately formed and openly acknowledged policy. When, after blocking preparedness, he called this country to war, it was only after affronts directed by a hostile German Government to him as the Nation's Executive. After the country went into war he was. endowed by Congress with an unprecedented personal authority in which the people acquiesced because of the requirements of war, but under which during two years of virtual peace they have become restive. This kind of personal government, this oneman power, the people wish terminated.

Another element in the policies and practices of President Wilson's Adminpractices of President Wilson's Administration which the American people wish to replace with something different is the kind of idealism that has shown itself incapable of expression in practical form. They are not unmindful of the peculiar and great difficulties that have attended the waging of war on an unprecedented scale thousands of miles from home, nor of such remarkable achievements as the preparation and administration of the Selective Service Law and the successful transportation of hundreds of thousands of citizen soldiers across the seas; but they remember the events which led up to the proclamation of "Peace without victory" as an ideal, followed by the grim reality of Château Thierry and the Argonne; they remember the promises about Liberty Bonds and the unprevented drop in value; they remember irritating taxes and the avoidable waste. In the light of experience, they have determined to see whether another party cannot be more successful in connecting ideals with reality and reality with ideals.

As a result partly of personal government and partly of an impractical idealism, the American people have seen their foreign affairs almost hopelessly tangled. They know very well that their country has few real friends in the world to-day, and they want a change.

They are by no means all agreed as to just what ought to be done; but they see very clearly that what has been done has not worked. They watched with interest, and some of them with eager ness, the experiment of the League of Nations. Whatever they may have thought of it in theory, they see that it is not making headway in practice. Whether it is due to the inability of personal government to work under a Constitution requiring consultation with the Senate, or whether it is due to the sort of idealism that insists on drawing up a utopian plan without due reference to the facts, or whether it is due to both, the League is at present an unproductive piece of machinery. The Amer ican people have seen a theory tried with little regard to results; now they are ready to see if another party can get results with little regard to theory.

The election is not so much a vote for Mr. Harding and the Republican party as it is a vote for the only alternative to Mr. Wilson and the Democratic party. And it is well that it is so. The President-elect and his party associates will be the more likely to set themselves to finding a way to prove that the alternative is better. Already it is clear that the contrast after the Fourth of next March will be sharp. Mr. Harding has made clear not merely by his words but by the whole expression of his mind and temperament that he be



Nothing that we have seen throws more light on Senator Harding's personal qualities, particularly
his fairness and his reliance upon team work, than the following:

The first is a quotation from an interview with Mr. Harding by Edwin C. Hill, which was published in the. New York "Herald" October 31, two days before election :

"Is it fair to ask what you think of Wilson?"

Harding hesitated, and well he might. I happened to know that no one of the Senate had been treated with more deliberate contempt in the meetings between the President and the Foreign Relations Committee. I was prepared for a sharp comment.

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"You want my honest opinion, don't you? Well, here it is: Woodrow Wilson will have his place in history as one of the most intellectual figures of a century and a half, a man of wonderful mentality, a man of fine ideas usually. But the trouble with Wilson is that he has never understood the people. That has not been his fault altogether. Lacking real understanding of the people, he let his personal ideals carry him to impossible lengths. He failed to understand that in this world of ours great good is only obtainable by harmonious action, by good understanding, by compromising differences, and getting to something like a practical working basis of action. The American people can never be driven, although they are willing to be led. There has been Wilson's great blunder."

The second is a statement of Mr. Harding's journalistic creed, which he gave to every reporter and writer on the Marion "Star" during his active editorship of that journal: "Remember there are two sides to every question. Get them both.

"Be truthful. Get the facts.

"Mistakes are inevitable, but strive for accuracy. I would rather have one story exactly right than a hundred half wrong. "Be decent, be fair, be generous.

"Boost-don't knock.

"There's good in everybody. Bring out the good and never needlessly hurt the feelings of anybody.

"In reporting a political gathering give the facts, tell the story as it is, not as you would like to have it. Treat all parties alike. If there is any politics to be played, we will play it in our editorial columns.

"Treat all religious matters reverently.

"If it can possibly be avoided, never bring ignominy to an innocent man or child in telling of the misdeeds or misfortunes of a relative.

"Don't wait to be asked, but do it without the asking, and above all be clean and never let a dirty word or suggestive story get into type.

"I want this paper so conducted that it can go into any home without destroying the innocence of any child."

eves in consultation, in co-operation etween the executive and the legislave, in not overriding opposition but ather in bringing together those who em opposed and finding a common round, in ascertaining facts and shapg plans in accord with them, in letting eory wait on understanding. In his hole attitude Mr. Harding presents antithesis to both personal governent and impractical idealism.

This election does not, cannot, mean at the American people have sudenly lost their idealism and become rdid and selfish, have lost their ambion to take part in world leadership nd desire to follow the glory of a great ctory by retreating to a policy of olation, that from being a nation of Loneers they have become a nation quitters. It means that they do not

believe that the organization of a world army is a way to secure world peace or that autocratic methods are required to make the world safe for democracy, or that leaving delicate and difficult questions of international law to the final decisions of a committee of diplomats is the way to establish international justice, or that reviving on a new and world-wide scale a Venetian Court of Ten is the way to secure liberty for all nations. America is the same America. The idealism of its people is more deeply rooted in the solid earth, but that will make it only the more enduring. The desire of Americans for peace is more sanely guided by a desire for liberty and justice as well, but that will make it only the more likely of fulfillment.

The election is not a desertion of

progressivism, for it is not reactionary to see that damage to the foundations of Government shall be repaired.

Among the voters there were many thousands who believed that this was not a time for change, that President Wilson's stewardship should have been approved, that the further trial of his plans and policies should have been intrusted to Mr. Cox and his party. If they are good Americans, these voters will acquiesce in the verdict. They will set themselves to the task of using their influence to the end that what is good in the Wilson Administration is not lost to the country, that the dignity and strength of the executive is not absorbed by the legislative branch, and that in the effort to secure plans that will work there shall be maintained the spirit of sound ideals.


[F the editorials appearing during the campaign in the newspapers supporting Governor Cox were to be elieved, the country was headed for saster, perfidy, and militarism unless overnor Cox was elected. Now that he Nation in unprecedented fashion as chosen, not Mr. Cox, but Mr. Haring, it is natural for us to turn to the ost influential of the Cox supporters o learn how they face the end prected. Among the most intense advoates of Mr. Cox's election was the New ork" World," In its leading editorial f November 3 the "World" says:

All of the restlessness and discontent bred of the war has finally found expression in the ballot-box, and the result is Warren G. Harding.


The American people have displayed the same kind of political intelligence that the people of New York displayed in 1917 when they threw out the Mitchel administration and made John F. Hylan Mayor. Those exploits in political prejudice are always expensive, and four years from now the country will be in a better position to estimate the cost of this latest manifestation of its worst quali


As to Mr. Harding himself, the "World" can only wish him well.

It is easy to abuse Woodrow Wilson, but to succeed Woodrow Wilson in the White House is a man's job, and Mr. Harding will not have the aid either of a united party or of those dominant qualities that can batter down opposition. He will have to go with a tide that runs erratically and treacherously, and the very voters that have put him into the Presidency to do the impossible will be ready to destroy him at the first sign of failure. Though not recognized, like the World," as a party organ, the New

York "Times" is a Democratic paper. It does not relish the result of the election. In the course of its leading editorial it says:


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However nominally independent the New York "Evening Post" has been, it was as devoted to the cause of Governor Cox's election as either the Times or the "World." But its editorial comment on the result does not appear to be quite so gloomy as theirs. It pinned its faith to the League of Nations, and now it renews that faith by finding ground for hope in Mr. Harding's enlightenment. We quote the following from its comment:

The colossal protest was against Woodrow Wilson, and everything that from every conceivable angle might be attached to his name... .

Resentment both against the Treaty and against delay in the Treaty, resentment both against the high prices


which were here until the other day and against falling prices to-day, resentment against the "exactions labor up to the other day, and against the industrial decline and rising unemployment to-day-all these opposites combined in one great weariness, into one mighty desire for a change. Warren G. Harding and the Republican party have profited thereby. As against the Hearsts and the Johnsons and the rest of the motley who hail the death of the Treaty and the League, these men -Hoover, Taft, Root-must know that the Treaty cannot be rejected without inviting catastrophe, and that world co-operation for peace cannot be abandoned without our breaking faith with the dead in the Great War and with the generations of the future. These men, if they have been sincere in their protestations of faith in a League, must now begin to fight as they have not fought before.

The support that went to James M. Cox because he stood manfully for a great ideal will rally behind Harding if he is true to that ideal.

The two leading Republican papers in New York are the New York "Herald" (which has succeeded the old familiar "Sun" of the morning) and the "Tribune." The satisfaction which both papers feel is tempered with a sense of responsibility before the party they support. They agree with their Democratic contemporaries that the vote was a vote against the Wilson Administration. The difference is that they approve of this revolt and expect better things of the Administration of President Harding. The "Tribune" describes this revolt and expresses its expectation in the following words:

The country was weary of Wilsonism in all its inanifestations. It liked as little a foreign policy which intro

duced discord among our allies as it did a domestic policy which has brought the country to serious adversity. It was tired of parlor Bolshevism in high places, and likewise of a pretended pacifism whose proposals are practically always in the interest of poor Germany. It would have no more arraying of class against class and asked for an Administration intelligent enough to realize that only by accelerating production is the cost of living to be reduced. Extravagance, incompetence, narrowness at Washingtonall these and many others were in the minds of voters as they marked their ballots.

Senator Harding has steadily grown in public estimation since his nomination. He has shown reserve power in avoiding the making of vote-getting promises. This is a good omen. The misrepresentations from which he has suffered lie broken at his feet. He

may wisely determine to forget them and to remember only the responsibilities of his mighty position.

The New York "Herald's" editorial appears under the signature of its owner, Frank A. Munsey, and concludes as follows:

The price of victory is good service. In no other way can a President of these United States repay the people of the Nation for the confidence they have in him in electing him to the first office in the land, in electing him to one of the most exalted posts in all the world.

Senator Harding's place in history. will rest with the men he calls to the service of his Administration. If they have youth, clear heads, genius for their jobs, honesty, loyalty, and the realization that the Government expects and demands of them the best there is in them, his Administration

will handle the business of the Government better than it has ever been handled before.

Fortunately Senator Harding comes into the Presidency a free man. His Administration is not mortgaged to politicians, to financiers, or to aspir ants for official honors.

This National Government of ours has no jobs for political hacks or political pensioners. This National Government of ours has no jobs that may be checked out as rewards for political services. This National Government of ours recognizes no such obligation to any man or to any woman or to any political party.

The President who checks out Gov. ernment jobs to pay personal obligations isn't checking from his own bank



"To the victors belong the spoils" is a doctrine that has no place in this enlightened day.





OOKED at from almost any angle

of vision, participation in the war has resulted fortunately for Greece. Two and a half million of Greece's people who before the war were living under a foreign yoke have been brought under her flag. Economically Greece is in a stronger position than most of the late belligerent states of Europe, and politically she has the backing, actually, if not acknowledged, of the strongest power in Europe to-dayGreat Britain.

How comes it that this little country, which did not enter the war until 1917, and then with no guarantees as to her share in the settlement, should have been so completely successful at the Peace Table? The answer to that question is Eleutherios Venizelos.

Abroad, the greatness of Venizelos is universally recognized a statesman much greater than his country, is the common verdict. At home, on the contrary, so strong is the old Royalist party and so bitter the feeling against him that it may be that even now he will be unable to carry out his plans for the good of his country.

I have just come from Athens, where the Constantine movement is strong, and where, in the heat of the preelection campaign, charges of questionable character are freely made against the President,1 and particularly against his party. When the Greek Government, on July 29, signed the Peace Treaty, it meant that Greece was to

1 When I asked an American official how I should address Venizelos, he said: "As Mr. President or Your Excellency."-E. M.

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Rhodes, and that will also be turned over to Greece if Britain relinquishes Cyprus to her. Thus 60,000 square miles of territory become hers, which includes all the principal ports of the eastern Mediterranean. Salonika, the guardian of the eastern Mediterranean, has been hers since the Balkan wars and to that she has now added Gallip oli, the guardian of the Dardanelles Straits, and Smyrna, the principal port of western Anatolia.

In addition, in the hinterland lie the rich fields of Macedonia, hers by the formal recognition, now accorded by the Powers for the first time, of the Treaty of Bucharest of 1913; Thrace, with the richest tobacco fields of eastern Europe, and capable, in addition, it is estimated, of producing revenue suff cient to wipe out the entire foreign debt of Greece, while the rich agricul tural soil of the Smyrna district would go far toward achieving the same result under modern intensive cultivation.

In the Near East one often hears the question put: Can Greece hold all this territory which has come to her?

Just over the border of Epirus are th Albanians, whose national conscious ness is rapidly awakening. Macedonia is seething with unrest, the spirit of sabotage is everywhere, and secret societies are springing up on all sides. Farmers who have been in America dare not import modern agricultural machinery for fear war will come and destroy it all. The farms are not pro ducing, and this in a country where three crops a year could be raised; nobody is doing anything. The Greek


ntrol is artificial, and so far rests alost solely on force.

Thrace presents quite another probn. In spite of Bulgarian efforts to ove the contrary, the truth seems to that the population of Thrace is vided about equally between Turks d Greeks. But Thrace possesses an cerest for Bulgaria quite other than nological. It has belonged to Bulria since the first Balkan War, d there lay the richest tobacco fields the country. In addition, in Thrace s the country's principal Ægean port, deagatch, with all that that means intercourse with the Western world an intelligent and thoroughly awaned people.


When I was in Bulgaria, in Septemr, feeling ran bitterly against the eeks, coupled with the determination win back the territory. The town of yrna is predominantly Greek, but hinterland is ninety per cent Turk. Certainly the method of Greek cupation was not such as to induce her Turks or Greeks to welcome it, I to speak of the atrocities committed Smyrna itself, for which there was rhaps justification. The whole Aidin lley was laid waste, without a single lage, or indeed a house, from Ayaalouk to Omerlu, that was not deoyed. In the Meander Valley, one of richest in Turkey, the villages were completely wrecked, including the y next in size to Smyrna. This procof dividing the Turkish Empire has ulted in destruction of property, loss life, violation of women, and at least rty thousand people becoming refues by December, 1919.


Greece is holding this long line exding from the Adriatic in the west the southern Smyrna district in the t, a distance of four hundred and -y miles, with an army of about two ndred thousand men. Each section its own problems, but all united in amon bitter opposition to the Greeks, many claim that Venizelos will yet the day when he took over Thrace. e speech he made in 1913, in the amber of Deputies, declaring that se who urged taking Thrace for eece were the true enemies of their ntry, is often quoted against him day.

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But, although I made every effort to estigate the charges against him and ked with many leaders of the Conntine party in Athens, I am bound say that in every concrete charge ich was brought to my attention, en the facts all came out, right med to lie with Venizelos. That is to say that errors have not been nmitted. But Venizelos is not afraid the truth and is content to let his ord stand on its merits. He has a y of startling you with the simple th when it would seem that subter

fuge would have helped him more, which is characteristic of the great man that he is.

He is charged with having overstepped his authority in inviting English and French troops to enter Salonika, and again in asking them to intervene in Athens in the internal affairs of the country. History will decide whether Venizelos or the King had the true interests of the country most at heart, but there can be no question that if the Venizelos policies indorsed by the people were to be put through he must have had help from his allies, for the King possessed absolute power to block their performance.

What would have happened in our Revolution if Washington had not sought and obtained aid from France? And yet no one calls Washington a traitor for having done so. There is an analogy in the two cases worth noting.

The reaction from the extreme laudation of Venizelos in the Western world has set in, but it is only fair to ask what the results of the Venizelos policies have been for his country.


Aside from the wonderful increase of territory and population which has come to Greece during the ten years Venizelos has practically been in control, what is the condition of the country to-day? In spite of the fact that the public debt has more than doubled since 1914, the growing prosperity is greater than the increase in the debt.

The drachma, in common with the currency of the entire world, has not

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the purchasing value of normal times, but it is relatively higher than the money of any country I visited last summer. This is attributed to the wise financial policy of the Government during the war; to the large sums sent home every year by Greeks in the United States, which last year amounted to 200,000,000 drachmas; to the large earnings of the merchant marine, and to the expenditures for the Allied armies in the country.

Further evidence of the increasing prosperity of the country can be seen in the number of new banks established and the great increase in deposits, while the International Finance Commission, brought into being at the conclusion of the Greco-Turkish War in 1898, and having supervision of the sale of salt, petroleum, matches, playing cards, stamped paper, emery from Naxos, tobacco, and of the custom duties at certain ports, reported that their receipts last year were greater than during any year of the life of the Commission and double those of 1914.

In an effort to extend this prosperity to the agricultural classes, laws have been enacted by which the large estates have been broken up, the former owners being indemnified by the state according to the findings of an expert commission, and the state in turn sells to peasants, on easy terms and at a low rate of interest, only so much as each can till with his own hands.

These are but the beginnings of the changes contemplated by the nationbuilder in order that the foundations may be wisely laid for that expansion of power and influence which many see be

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Territory Gained 1920

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fore the Greek people. They need, above all things, peace in which to prepare for that future, and that is what their

wisest man said to me when I asked him about his plans for the future. "Peace," he said. "To get peace

for Greece in order that the country may become normal and stable." ELEANOR MARKELL



These economic disturbances should not be called "strikes," even less lution," for normal life existed to the very doors of the factories, the children playing in the street, near-by shops open, cafés doing a thriving business, and trolley cars running day and night in front of the building over whose door was hoisted a little red rag of warning, not larger than those used by train signal-men in America. You can imagine, then, how I felt when, shortly after landing, I was shown a copy of a leading New York daily with the following cablegram:

London, Oct. 12.... The Bolshevist Tribunal sentenced to death Mario Sonzino, President of the National" Association of Turin, and Constantino Rimula, a prison official. They were sentenced to be burned alive, according to the despatches, but as the fires in the furnaces had been put out they were shot and their bodies were thrown into the street.

Such chamber of horrors" affairs were entirely foreign to Italian happenings.

What did happen in Italy was simply a sudden, systematic, and obviously illegal "lock-in" or forcible occupation of all steel factories and mills and allied industries on the part of the workers, who refused to vacate them until the Government, which had become the arbiter of the dispute, recognized the principle of inter-factory and intra-factory co-operation between employers and .employees.

Three questions will present themselves to the mind of the American reader:

1. Why did the workers, who have


Italy entered the war, unprepared, in May, 1915. She was helped in mainly by Nationalist elements. A tremendous impetus to the infantile steel industry had to be given. The country must therefore close both eyes to the abuses which were taking place in the steel factories-profiteering by the employers and exemption from active service for their families and protégés. The Socialists emphasized these illegalities, created dissatisfaction, helped (if not actually brought about) the Caporetto disaster in 1917, through a moraledestroying process. But, with the country invaded, Italy in 1918 silenced the Socialists and ended the war at Vittorio Veneto, after a year of intensive manufacturing of all material and consequent leniency toward the rapacity of factory managers and owners. The Peace Conference, however, gave an opportunity for vengeance to the Socialists; they joined hands with the Jugoslavs, with Mr. Wilson, and with the politicians of certain Allied lands. The Nationalist party in Italy lost a considerable share

of its prestige. That left three large political groups in the arena :

(1) The Conservatives lack, as a party, the vigor which they show in individual initiative; they have a large parliamentary representation, but no nation-wide popular machine behind.

(2) The Popular party has turned out to be merely one more of those hybrid attempts at reconciliation of Roman Church and Italian State.

(3) The Socialist party, ever more strong, reinforced by the natural reac tion against war of a small country steadily bled for four years.

It stands to reason that any group of Italians seeking active, energetic po litical support in a country where divis ions take place not along industrial but along political lines must necessarily hitch its wagon to the Socialist party.


Meanwhile, a fairly serious economic situation had developed in Italy. The rivals who could not curb her terri torially began to apply economic pressure. The exchange situation became critical. Railway material was infini tesimal. Tonnage was scarce. Austria had nothing more to give, and Italy's share of Germany's indemnity was placed at the pitiful total of ten per cent of the whole. Emigration was at its lowest ebb for a number of reasons. British coal was slow to come; the British miners were not working overtime. Sarre Valley coal was just as slow; the German miners would not work under Frenchified Senegalese and Annamites. American travelers were given to understand by an Administration press which could not forget Fiume, and by the "See America First" interests, which intensified their campaign on the eve of the July exodus, that Italy should not be visited, the specious pretext being offered that the Wilson ukases on Adriatic matters would cause tourists to be annoyed by public resent ment. Thus another important source of income was denied to Italy. The entire country felt itself, a few months ago, under the menace of an impending disaster. Something would go to the wall soon; what would be the first industry? The steel industry, of course. Let it be clearly understood that this industry is necessarily artificial in Italy, a country possessing little iron (and that little not on the continent, but in the island of Elba) and no coal. (Coal was worth 730 lire a ton in Italy when I sailed away.) When there raged a

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