T

NATIONS

HE reader will find on another page

an abstract of Senator Harding's speech on the League of Nations. In this speech Mr. Harding states with intellectual clearness and political courage the issue which the American people have to decide in November. It is probably the most important issue they have had to decide since the re-election of Abraham Lincoln in 1864.

The two plans for an Association of the Nations which Mr. Harding discusses we defined in an editorial on 66 Two Paths to Peace" in The Outlook of May 19, 1920. The one plan proposes an Executive Council of diplomats to decide international questions, with power to call on the nations for armies to enforce their decisions.

The other proposes stated meetings of an International Conference to discuss international questions, but without power to enforce its conclusions, and a Supreme Court of the Nations to decide international disputes voluntarily submitted to it, but without power to enforce its decisions.

One is the Paris plan, the other is the Hague plan; one may be called the Democratic plan, the other the Republican plan.

To the reasons which Mr. Harding has so clearly stated in favor of the Hague plan we add one other which he has implied but not fully stated-its practicability.

It is so highly improbable as to be almost impossible that a Senate can be elected with a two-thirds majority for Mr. Wilson's plan. If the Democratic party is put in power by the election, we shall inevitably be left without any association of the nations; and unless Mr. Cox reverses not only Mr. Wilson's policy but his own speeches, we shall be left nominally at war with Germany. For Mr. Wilson has vetoed and Mr. Cox has condemned the act of Congress declaring that peace now exists, as in 1918 it declared that war then existed. On the other hand, if the Republican party is elected one of its first acts will be to declare peace, and then to negotiate a League inspired by the spirit and framed on the

plan of the Hague Conference and Court.

To the formation of such a League the Republican party is committed by its past history, its present platform, and now by the explicit declaration of its Presidential candidate.

This policy was initiated and car

ried forward by the Republican party under McKinley, Roosevelt, and Taft as Presidents and by John Hay and Elihu Root as Secretaries of State.

This policy was reaffirmed by the Republican platform adopted at Chicago last June, the paragraph defining the policy of the party being drawn by Mr. Root, who as Secretary of State had previously defined that policy in similar terms in his instructions to our delegates to The Hague.

This policy was repeated in very explicit terms by Senator Lodge, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, in his address notifying Mr. Harding of his nomination :

We have been and are quite ready to join in agreement with other nations for the extension of the Hague Conventions, for the upbuilding and codification of international law, and the establishment of a world court of justice; for international conferences in regard to nonjusticiable questions; and for arrangements to bring about a general reduction of armaments.

This explicit statement was accepted by Mr. Harding, and has now been reaffirmed by him. This policy, therefore, is now more than a plan of individuals, it is the definite programme of the Republican party.

Moreover, Europe has already given indications that her statesmen are quite ready to welcome such a pacific League in place of the military League which she accepted upon the suggestion if not the dictation of America's President.

Senator Harding in his speech refers to two of these indications: a recent declaration by Viscount Grey that "the Americans must be told if they will only join the League they can practically name their own terms;" and a declaration by Lloyd George of his readiness to accept "some change, at any rate in the form of the Covenant," and "The Premier added," says Senator Harding, "it is quite possible it might be a change for the better."

Mr. Root was invited by and on behalf of the present League to attend a conference of European jurists to organize a Supreme Court of the Nations. And Mr. Root had some months before declared his belief that "the true method by which public rights shall be established to control the affairs of nations is by the development of law and the enforcement of law according to the judgment of impar tial tribunals."

This invitation to Mr. Root to participate in this movement came to him not

through Mr. Wilson, but directly, and it

is stated that Mr. Wilson did not know of the invitation until it had been accepted. The essential facts respecting the constitution of this court, in the organization of which Mr. Root took so leading a part, have already been re

ported in The Outlook and need not repeated here. The existing Hague tr bunal, which is too large a body to co stitute a permanent court, is to select number of jurists from which the exist ing League is to select eleven who will constitute a new International Court.

These facts give Americans good reason to hope that, if the Republican party is successful in the ensuing elec tion, and a President and a Senate.re chosen whose first purpose it is to deal) with foreign affairs in a harmonious, non-partisan, but always American spirit. a plan of international association will be worked out on the basis of the previous Hague Court and Conference-a plan which will unite the civilized powers in an agreement to hold stated conferences upon international questions and to sub mit international disputes to the decision of an international tribunal, but without power to compel obedience to their decis ion by armies and navies.

Such an Association may be substi tuted for the present League, or the pres ent League may be amended by denying to the Executive Council any power act with authority for the nations, or to call on them for military forces to enforce its conclusions. Whether this radical change is effected by amendment or sub stitution is, relatively speaking, unimpor

tant.

The present League has not won any such distinguished success in securing harmonious co-operation between Eng land, France, and Italy, or in peace ably adjusting the boundary lines be tween Italy and Jugoslavia, between Russia and Poland, and between Greece and Turkey, as to inspire in Americans the desire to undertake this experiment on a still larger scale. The European peoples are already weary of this unsuc cessful plam, and are ready to accept cor dially, perhaps even with enthusiasm, a return to the original American plan of an International Association organized to secure not merely peace butt justice, upo a basis not of diplomatic bargaining but of law, and depending not upon a military alliance but upon an enlightened interna tional conscience reinforced by intelligent international self-interest.

If one asks, What provision will you make to defend civilization from attack by an outlaw nation such as: Germany our answer is, America will meet that issue when it arises. It is safer to trust the future to the free action of a free people than to an Executive Council of diplomats clothed with authority to call for the allied armies off the civilized na tions whenever it thinks the occasion demands.. America, which fought for its own freedom in 1776, for the freedom of the seas in 1812,, for the perpetual free dom of a united Republic in 1861, for the

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freedom of an oppressed neighbor in 1898, and, with its allies, for the freedom of the world in 1918, may be trusted to ight for freedom and justice again if they should again be threatened by the armed forces of ruthless barbarians.

ALL IS NOW QUIET ALONG THE KANSAS, MISSOURI, AND HUDSON

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RIVERS

OME weeks ago The Outlook received a telegram marked "collect" from the Kansas City "Star." This telegram contained a summary of the Star's" views of the issues of the present campaign. In publishing this document The Outlook was moved to jocular wonder as to whether it was the "Star's " practice to distribute its pronouncements by telegram-collect.

Our distinguished contemporary, whose habitat is at the confluence of the Kansas and Missouri Rivers, promptly denied the soft impeachment, and declared that the "Star's" telegram was sent in response to a request from The Outlook, a request of which we could find no record. Unfortunately, in attempting to get a rise out of the "Star" we gave to both Kan

sas and Missouri an excellent opportunity to get a rise out of ourselves, for we had located the supposedly erring "Star" in the already well-endowed State of Kansas. Promptly the western heavens showed a formidable group of shooting stars headed for The Outlook office. The Outlook retired to its editorial dugout

and waited until the celestial storm passed.

But the story does not seem to end here, for the Secretary of The Outlook has just received a letter from Mr. Henry J. Haskell, of the Kansas City "Star," of Missouri, which we publish below, together with the Secretary's reply:

Dear Mr. Abbott:

August 14, 1920.

I fear the mystery is solved. The telegraph operator who handled the messages, on being told of your inability to find any one who had sent the telegram, began to search his memory, to wobble, and finally to confess that the telegram of inquiry might have been from the "Literary Digest." (He had sent the query message to the main office and it wasn't available for verification.) The Outlook being more vividly in his consciousness than the " Digest," evidently

he confused the two in his reply. So we sit in sackcloth and ashes and tear out our hair by handfuls.

Sincerely,

(Signed) HENRY J. HASKELL.

obliged to the telegraph operator, and hope that nothing that we have done will interfere with his habit of associating intelligent inquiry with The Outlook.

Please do not tear out your hair unless you prefer that to the paying of high prices charged by the barbers. As for sackcloth and ashes, we envy you for having so near an approach to clothing and fuel. There is really no cause for repentance. On the contrary, when you come on next to New York we want you to take luncheon with us as an evidence of our appreciation.

Very sincerely yours, (Signed)

ERNEST H. ABBOTT. We trust that the title of this editorial will be justified by future events!

THE DUST OF THE WORLD

T

HE Young-Old Philosopher had been visiting a wonderful oldfashioned home in the northern part of his State, and he was telling us about it.

"A vanishing type of life in America, alas!" he said it was. "It set me to thinking. When this was gone, what would there be to take its place? For this family had background. It was not a nouveau-riche household greedy and bold, ostentatiously vulgar with sudden

wealth, but a quiet, simple group of people, young and old, with that dignity that comes of remaining in one spot through generations—just as a tree takes on a certain nobility because it is not flitting here and there. Birds, for instance, who visit trees, are lovely; but no Our sporadic and nomadic tendencies in one would thing of calling them dignified.

America are like to lead us to disaster. A home in one place for a while, and then a sudden restlessness, a desire to move on, gypsy-like, to some unseen environment that is how so many families go through life. But here I found the peace that only permanence brings. Vines hung from the broad verandas, and they looked as though they had always hung there-as they had, indeed. And the pictures on the walls belonged there—they were portraits of loved and loving ancestors; and a spinning-wheel and an ancient harp, really handed down, told eloquently of vanished work and hushed music in candle-lit rooms. There was a sense of quiet that soothed and heartened one. We were off the maintraveled roads, free from the rush and roar and confusion of traffic that has penetrated even our most remote districts nowadays; and one could settle down for a long, comfortable afternoon with no fear that there would be unwelcome intrusion. Books were around one in that intimacy which is the only way in which books should be known-you felt like caressing them, because you

knew that many fine hands had caressed them years ago. They took on the splendor and beauty of age, when age has come to fruition gracefully. The servants walked with gentle footsteps; they had been in this household for many years, some of them all their lives. They were an integral part of it. And when Saturday evening came the young American chauffeur, whose father had been the coachman of the menage, gave a little dance in the barn, draped with flags and Japanese lanterns; and to this the guests, as well as all the servants, were invited. I saw my hostess, because there happened to be more women than men, dance with her maid, a Scotchwoman who would have made a splendid wife for any one; and the young son of the household was not ashamed to ask the butler's wife to take one spin with him. It was all spontaneous, beautiful, natural. There was no spirit of patronage-oh, no! That could never be. Then on Sunday evening there were family prayers, and every one who had been to the little dance came into the big living-room and knelt down together for a few brief moments. A daughter played the organ, and every one sang. It was one of the most touching sights I ever saw. In how many American homes is this lovely custom followed? Here they had always done it.

To have missed this simple habit would have been unthinkable.

“What are you and I doing that is akin to this? Do our children learn that the servants in our homes are to be treated as if they were human beings and not mere automatons? I am afraid not. Then how can they be expected to carry on, when we are gone, something that they have never practiced? That is what I meant by wondering who were arising to continue such happy expressions of life. What standards bave our children to guide their lives? Alas! they know of fine acting through the shadowy screen dramas with lurid titles, and they read tormenting serials of blood and thunder, the cheap claptrap of cheaper minds, and think they are absorbing literature because such horrors are afterwards given the doubtful dignity of publication between covers. Their dances are not fit to be called dances; they are skips and hops and swirls and swings through hectic rooms. 'The world is too much with us,' and we must indeed beware that the dust of the world, created through our scurrying through it, does not wholly encompass us and shut out the light of the sun and moon and stars. "I shall think of the and tranpeace quillity of that wonderful home for many days. Indeed, I know I shall never forget it. It is an influence, an inspiration, that will remain forever with me, unclouded by the dust of the world.”

women are not represented in the new republic, there will be another revolution."

Now, a century later, women are to be represented. On August 26 Bainbridge Colby, Secretary of State of the United States, issued at Washington a proclamation announcing that the Nineteenth Amendment, having been ratified by three-fourths of the States, had become a part of the Constitution of the United States. The Amendment is as follows:

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.

Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. The States which have ratified are: Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Dakota, New York, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming.

As the woman suffrage movement has been led by two branches, one the National American Woman's Suffrage Association, and the other the National

movement), the signing of the proclamation appropriately took place at the residence of the Secretary of State without ceremony of any kind, instead of the expected signature at the State Departexpected signature at the State Department, at which the suffragettes expected to be prominent. Later in the day Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, head of the National American Woman's Suffrage Association, was received at the White House by the President. The National Woman's Party was not represented.

As will be noted, the text of the Amendment is identical with that framed by Susan B. Anthony in 1875. She carried on the work inaugurated by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. In 1848, at Seneca Falls, New York, their first large woman suffrage demonstration took place.

So far as the States were concerned, the ratification by Tennessee completed the

teenth Amendment. Eight States defeated ratification. Four States did not act at all.

fourteen States had granted full suffrage to women, following Wyoming's example in 1869; twelve had granted Presidential suffrage and two primary suffrage. There will be formalities to fulfill by women in those States where they have not voted and where registration is neces sary to qualify for voting. Some States have already passed enabling acts; others are about to do so; for instance, Governor Milliken, of Maine, had called a special session of the Legislature to meet on August 31 for the purpose of enacting legislation to enable women to register in time to vote at the famous State elec tion on September 13-famous because, in a Presidential year, the saying is, "Ahgoes Maine, so goes the Nation. In other States, according to the opinion of their Attorneys-General, women may exercisa the right of franchise without the for mality of further legislation.

Women, by virtue of the Nineteenth Amendment, will hereafter be entitled to vote on an equality with men in all elec Twenty-nine Republican and seven Demotions, National, State, and local. Law cratic States ratified the proposed Nine- regarding registration and other condi tions of the suffrage vary in the several States. Where there are property quali fications or other requirements (such a the payment of a poll tax, or complying with certain educational conditions) they may be applied to women, but only on the same basis as men.

At the Presidential election of 1916 some 18,500,000 voters took part; of these 2,500,000 were women. This year, as the result of Federal suffrage, the total vote is expected to be in the neightotal vote is expected to be in the neighborhood of 25,000,000.

Before the adoption of the Amendment

Federal suffrage in this country is 1 remarkable step in the progress of human

her!

the

quality. We may not forget, however, hat full suffrage now obtains in Ausralia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Czecholovakia, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Great Britain, Holland, Hungary, Luxembourg, Mexico, New Zealand, Norway, Russia, and Sweden.

The question will be raised in the minds of many women who have been either opposed or indifferent to suffrage, whether this Amendment makes it their duty to vote. It is said that duties never conflict. That is true only because when duties do

woman

election and to make his vote an expression of his intelligent will, it is better for him to neglect the ballot-box than his home; and this is equally true of woman. No need to condemn herself if she finds that home duties make the fulfillment of her political task impracticable for her. But in so far as it is possible, every woman should t take up the task which this amendment lays upon her, acquaint herself with the pending issues, and vote in accordance with her best judgment.

ONCE every ten years the Bishops of

the Anglican Church all over the world are summoned to conference at Lambeth Palace by the Archbishop, of Canterbury. The sixth of such Conferences has just concluded its sessions. It was attended by two hundred and fifty-two bishops, of whom one-fifth came from the United States, about one hundred from the British Isles, and the remainder from the colonies and the mission fields of Japan, China, and India. The Conference has no legislative authority, but owing to its representative character it exercises far-reaching influence, and its conclusions are valuable as reflecting the considered mind of the great Anglican communion on broad public questions.

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Outside purely ecclesiastical questions the Conference, by its selection of subjects, proved that nothing human is foreign to the interest of the modern churchman. International Relations, Labor, problems of Marriage and Divorce and of Sex relations were considered, together with Spiritualism, Christian Science, and Theosophy. There was no disposition to ignore the aspects of truth which have given vitality to these new movements. The conclusions of the Conference were reached after painstaking investigation by the aid of acknowledged and eminent experts.

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

Lambeth has declared, without reserve, for the League of Nations. It is true that the American bishops present felt it necessary to withhold their assent to the existing Covenant without certain reservations, but the Conference as a whole not only approves but also calls upon the whole Church of Christ to urge the principles of the League upon the peoples of the world, and with equal emphasis it expresses its conviction that at the earliest possible moment Germany and other enemy nations should be admitted.

THE RIGHTS OF THE WORKERS On social and industrial questions

Paul Thompson

ficient to live a decent and complete, a cleanly and noble life." The Bishops did not shirk the problem of the maintenance of the existing industrial system, and apparently indorsed the suggestion of the late Bishop Westcott that "wage labor, though an inevitable step in the evolution of society, is as little fitted to represent finally or adequately the connection of man with man in the production of wealth as, in earlier times, slavery or serfdom." They express no judgment on Guild Socialism, but suggest that the next step towards the expression of brotherhood in industry is to be found in industrial parliaments where employers and employed meet on absolutely equal terms.

MARRIAGE

The section of the Report dealing with sexual and marriage problems is notably fearless and frank. The Conference affirms the standard of marriage as life

long and indissoluble, but leaves to national churches to deal with the exception to this rule in cases of infidelity. It urges the necessity of deliberate and thoughtful self-control in the marriage relationship, but is unalterably opposed to the growing practice of birth control. It declares against any system of regulated vice, and feels constrained to "condemn the distribution or use, before exposure to infection, of so-called prophylactics, since these cannot but be regarded as an invitation to vice."

PSYCHIC PHENOMENA

On the question of Spiritualism and communication with the departed the Bishops, speaking with a reserve, express themselves as prepared to expect and welcome new light from psychical research, and go so far as to say:

It is possible that we may be on the threshold of a new science which will by another method of approach confirm us in the assurance of a world behind and beyond the world we see, and of something within us by which we are in contact with it!

But they deprecate the practice of spiritualism as a cult on the ground that it subordinates the intelligence and will to unknown forces or personalities, and urge that a larger place be given to the teaching of immortality and the communion of the saints as involving real fellowship with the departed through the love of God. There are many other matters of compelling human interest in this Report which cannot be indicated here. It will bear patient and thoughtful study.

ON CHURCH UNION

The Anglican Bishops have issued a noble appeal to all Christian people to agree in forgetting the things which are behind and co-operate in the establishment of a really Catholic Church.

It is a document remarkable alike for

its fine Christian spirit, its broad charit

and its constructive statesmanship. The appeal is not for federation, but for visible and organic unity. Say the Bishops:

The vision which rises before us is that of a church, genuinely Catholic, loyal to all truth, and gathering into its fellowship all who believe and call themselves Christians, within whose visible unity all the treasures of faith and order, bequeathed as a heritage by the past to the present, shall be possessed in common and made serviceable to the whole body of Christ. Within such unity some of the Christian Communions now separated from one another might still re

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organic unity may be found in the common acceptance of the Holy Scriptures as the rule and ultimate standard of "the Nicene Creed as 66 faith the sufficient statement of the Christian faith;" the Creeds as the baptismal confession of belief; the sacraments of Baptism and Holy Communion, and "a ministry acknowledged by every part of the Church as possessing not only the inward call of the Spirit, but also the commission of Christ and the authority of the whole body."

MUTUAL CONCESSIONS SUGGESTED

The crux of the problem is the ministry. On this point Lambeth is quite explicit. There must be some authority by which men shall be ordained to the ministry. What shall it be in this new

Catholic Church? The Bishops answer the Episcopate. It is of the utmost im portance that their position should not be misunderstood. They are not stressing any doctrine of apostolic succession, nei ther are they casting any doubt on the validity of non-episcopal ordination. On the contrary, they explicitly "acknowl edge that these ministries have been manifestly blessed and owned by the Holy Spirit as effective means of grace." But in the light of history they urge that the Episcopate "is now and will prove to be in the future the best instrument for maintaining the unity and continuity of the Church." In the most striking passage in the Appeal they say:

Bishops and clergy of our Communion would willingly accept from these authorities (the other churches) a form of commission or recognition which would commend our ministry to their congregations as having its place in the one family life.

They add the hope that the same motive would lead the other ministers to accept an episcopal commission. This would involve for no one a repudiation of his past ministry. "God forbid," they "that any man should repudiate a past experience rich in spiritual blessings for himself and others. We shall be publicly and formally seeking additional recognition of a new call to wider service in a reunited church.”

say,

East, will make or break the future peace. of the world. The mandates of the East, of which the British mandate over Pales tine is one, are keen tests of the League of Nations. The world may well ask therefore, what the Jews propose to do in Palestine, what their ambitions are what is their social and economic pro