launched his famous Chemin des Dames offensive. It caused intense controversy because many held it to be merely a succès d'estime that is to say, creditable to French courage, but terrible in casualty losses and not reaching the desired objective, the pushing back of the Germans to the Meuse. The losses had been scandalously exaggerated by first accounts read in the Chamber of Deputies, and such accounts had also been accentuated through stories told by returning Deputies who had gone to the front to see operations with their own eyes and had returned alarmists. The result of all was a pacifist and popular pressure on Paul Painlevé, Minister of War, to call off the offensive. General Nivelle's friends claim that the Minister did so, thus substitating what they term "political" for military rule. M. Painlevé denies that he stopped the offensive. The popular.. understanding is, however, that the offensive was hampered at every turn by political interference, and that this was the more exasperating as General Nivelle had penetrated the first, if not the second, enemy line and the Germans. were supposed to be ready to retire to the Meuse. The affair finally resulted in a military court decision favorable to General Nivelle. However, he was retired as Generalissimo, being succeeded by General Pétain, then Chief of Staff. Pétain was succeeded as Chief of Staff by one who was later to become Generalissimo of all the Allied Armies-Foch. GENEVA'S NEW IMPORTANCE N November 15 the Assembly of the League of Nations met at Geneva. It was its first meeting. Delegates from over forty nations met in the historic Salle de Réformation, across the Lake of Geneva from the Hôtel National, which the League has purchased as its permanent headquarters. The city of Geneva surrounds the end of the Lake of Geneva on three sides. The part of the city where the Rhône issues from the lake is the old town, the seat of the municipal government and the center of traffic. The left arm, looking southeast across the lake, is known as Les Pâquis, on the extreme border of which, close to the open country, stands the Hôtel National. The right arm, looking northwest across the lake, is called Les Eaux-Vives. In this quarter one finds the Salle de Réformation, a rather barnlike affair. It contains the Salle proper, often used as a large concert hall, and the Calvinium, with memorials of John Calvin. Among the important delegates were: sion of any state because of such a technicality. Under this ruling an ap plication from Germany might still be received. Such Englishmen as Lord Robert Cecil and George Nicoll Barnes; such Frenchmen as Léon Bourgeois, René Viviani, and Gabriel Hanotaux ; Quinones de Leon, the Spanish statesman; Tommaso Tittoni, formerly Italian Prime Minister; Ignace Paderewski, representing Poland; Fridtjof Nansen, representing Poland; Fridtjof Nansen, last the Italian and Jugoslav Governments have settled the representing Norway, and Hjalmar Adriatic dispute. The result reflects Branting, representing Sweden; well as Viscount Ishii from Japan, great credit on Foreign Ministers and from China Wellington Koo, late Minister to the United States. as In his address of welcome President Motta, of Switzerland, declared that "the League is not an alliance of gov International GENERAL NIVELLE SALUTING THE STATUE OF LIBERTY ON HIS ARRIVAL IN AMERICA ernments; it is an association of peoples." This evident effort to disarm American criticism was later reinforced by Paul Hymans, of Belgium, who, on being elected President of the Assembly, said to the delegates: "We should state again that the League is not and must not be a superstate, which aims at absorbing national sovereignties or reducing them to bondage." M. Hymans also remarked: "We all join in good wishes to President Wilson, the spiritual father of the League, and the duty is very dear to us to pay him this tribute.' The election of M. Hymans was appropriate, not only because of his own fitness, but as tending to heal the soreness of Belgians at the selection of Geneva instead of Brussels as the seat of the League. Among the new states applying for membership were Albania, Austria, and Sforza and Stefanovitch. The Italian gains are: (1) The Italian city of Fiume is redeemed from non-Italian control. A year and a half ago in these columns the hope was expressed that the port of Fiume, at least, might become independent. Now, by the treaty between the two Governments, not only the port but also the city becomes independent. (2) Nor is the free city to be inclosed by Slav territory. An Italian strip or' "corridor" is to connect it with Italian Istria. No wonder that Count Sforza, exclaimed: "At last the keys to our house are in our pocket." (3) As to Istria, Italy gains the famous Monte Nevaso and the St. Peter railway station on the frontier. The Jugoslav gains are: (1) The Istrian frontier has been readjusted to give greater justice to Slav populations. (2) In Dalmatia, while Italy retains the Italian city of Zara, she abandons Sebenico, as also by far the larger part of the territory in Dalmatia and most of the Dalmatian islands assured her by the Treaty of London, on the conditions of which Italy entered the war. But the islands Italy retains are, from a strategical standpoint, the most valuable she could have. As the Jugoslav gain in Istria and especially Dalmatia is large, it is anticipated that the agreement will be sapported by the Wilson Administration, despite the President's proclamation of April, 1919, in which the implication was that Fiume should go to Jugoslavia because it was the only proper port for her. Instead Jugoslavia now has the deep-water harbor of Sebenico, besides those of Buccari, Segna, Novigrad, Traù, Spalato, Gravosa, Ragusa, Cattaro, and Antivari on the Croatian, Dalmatian, and Montenegrin coasts. THE VICTORY OF THE REDS IN THE CRIMEA Bulgaria. But they applied after Octo-Ten more complete than was inti HE defeat of General Wrangel is ber 14, and, according to the rule which had been laid down, no application could be considered subsequent to that date. It was finally decided that public opinion would not stand for the exclu mated in our report last week. Indeed, it is of a crushing character, and appar ently puts an end to any present at tempt to destroy Bolshevist military upremacy in Russia. This once more outs before the Entente Powers the question whether they will be quiescent vhile the tyrannical Government headed y Lenine and Trotsky strengthens tself still further or whether they will ake some definite course to save Rusia from tyranny and outrage. It was reported on November 15 hat the Russian Soviet forces occupied Sebastopol on Sunday, November 14. Many thousands of refugees. fled from jebastopol to Constantinople in French nd English ships. American destroyers ided in carrying away wounded nonCombatants. General Wrangel himself rent on board a French war-ship. Practically his army has been broken p and destroyed as a military force. The fighting which resulted in this deeat was on an extensive scale. Some espatches assert that the Bolsheviki dmit that they lost thirty thousand en but claim to have taken forty housand prisoners, and one despatch eclares that their success was largely ue to the use of poison gas. While the rimean Peninsula might seem to be an Imost impregnable place because it is ll but an island, as a matter of fact e Red forces had little difficulty in aching it over the frozen marshes of e shallow part of the Sea of Azov. MERICAN HELP FOR CENTRAL MR R. HERBERT HOOVER says that the American Relief Administraon fed some six million children uring the winter of 1919. With the gradual improvement of the od situation in certain countries this umber was reduced for the winter of 920 to a maximum of about three and ae-quarter millions. Now, with the ew harvest in, he "We find oursays: elves faced with the continued necesty to feed approximately two and ne-quarter million children in Austria, zechoslovakia, Poland and the Baltic tates, and other parts of Central and astern Europe. These are largely aifs and the children of the destitute. t has been found that the cost of proiding and distributing sufficient food, itably prepared, for a child per month about $3. "The funds of the American Relief Administration for this work will be xhausted by January 1. It will reuire twenty million dollars for us to arry over the children needing help ntil the next harvest. The Relief Administration-has kept the door open every child in need of food in Cenal and Eastern Europe since the (C) Keystone View Co. PUTTING BACK THE BRITISH FLAG ON THE CAPITOL THEATER IN NEW YORK CITY beginning of 1919. Only the helpless "We have been able to carry on this The address of the American Relief HISTORICAL CONCERTS HE series historical concerts now being given by enl New York There have already been two con- Such series of concerts as that now in progress in New York, though not designed to serve as a substitute for a real course of study in musical history, should and will reach many auditors who would not ordinarily be considered students of music, undoubt edly stimulating their appreciation of all good music. A SINN FEIN OUTRAGE AND DTheater, the largest motion-picture URING Armistice Week the Capitol house in New York City, displayed Newspaper reports of these attacks stated that the police suggested that the flag be taken down. We learn on inquiry from Mr. Edward Bowes, managing director of the theater, that this statement is contrary to fact. The managers of the theater at last reluctantly decided not to replace the destroyed flag again after the third attack because of the very grave danger to the public involved in inviting riot along populous Broadway. Not only did the police give the theater the protection which it asked, but it is interesting to know that many of the policemen sent by the Department for this duty were themselves of Irish birth. When Mr. Bowes said to one of these policemen, who spoke with a marked brogue, "It is pretty hard to ask an Irish policeman to crack Irish heads," the policeman answered: "Sorr, ivery hid looks alike to me when it breaks the law.' There are quite a few people in the United States who should bear in mind the philosophical principle involved in this brief statement. In the person of this Irish policeman New York's Finest is written in reply to this question. I. The people have repudiated the policy of National isolation. Never again can any political leader aver that a great European war does not concern us, and expect to secure the acquiescence of the people. They have affirmed. in their solemn referendum" that they believe in an association of nations, though they differ-and the dif ference is of great importance-as to what its nature and functions should be. Mr. Harding made his position perfectly clear in his speech on August 28, and, in our judgment, nothing which he has subsequently said is inconsistent with this declaration. He said: There are distinctly two types of international relationship. One is an offensive and defensive alliance of great Powers. The other type is a society of free nations, or an association of free nations, or a league of free nations animated by considerations of right and justice, instead of might and self-interest, and not merely proclaimed an agency in pursuit of peace, but so organized and so participated in as to make the actual attainment of peace a reasonable possibility. Such an association I favor with all my heart, and I would make no fine distinction as to whom credit is due. One need not care what it is called. Let it be an association, a society, or a league, or what not. Our concern is solely with the substance, not the form thereof. This view, thus stated by Mr. Harding, was affirmed in the Republican platform, in a clause known to have been drawn by Mr. Root, who took a prominent part with European jurists in drafting a constitution for an International Supreme Court; it was reaffirmed by Mr. Lodge in presenting the Presidential nomination to Mr. Harding; it was affirmed repeatedly by Republican newspapers and Republican campaign orators; and it confirmed and promised to carry forward to completion a plan of international association presented at The Hague by America in 1899 under Mr. McKinley and reaffirmed and carried forward at The Hague in 1907 under Theodore Roosevelt. It has now been approved by the American people. II. An international court com posed of experienced jurists selected for their knowledge of international law and their judicial temper to decide such questions as may be submitted to it, and an international popular assembly in which delegates from the various nations may meet to confer on international questions, contrast their opinions, and compare their respective interests, were features of the Paris plan borrowed from the previous Hague plan. But the Paris plan added an international, executive, consisting of nine members, who might in their discretion call into existence an international army if any international exigency required. This military feature the Republican party condemned. This military feature the American people have now rejected. They are ready to enter into a purely voluntary association of nations to define and develop international law and promote good fellowship. They are not willing to enter into any kind of military alliance in which the nations put their military forces at the call of a foreign Power or combination of Powers. They will not consent that any foreign Powers shall summon America to war. III. It will be four months after the election before Mr. Harding can be inaugurated. There is no reason why he should not employ this time in conferring with Senators, Representatives, and private citizens in working out a plan or plans for international co-operation which do not involve any suspicion of a military alliance. He cannot with propriety enter into negotiations with foreign governments; but there is no reason why his advisers and supporters should not by correspondence with private citizens in other countries prepare the way for an international association wholly pacific. The way for such correspondence is opened for them. Few men in France know French sentiment better than Stéphane Lauzanne, the editor-in-chief of "Le Matin," of Paris. The "North American Review for October contains an article from his pen in which, with the comment, "These are noble words which we cannot but approve, he quotes the following sentence from one of Senator Harding's speeches: "It is better to be the free and disinterested agent of international justice and advancing civilization, with the covenant of conscience, than be shackled by a written compact which surrenders our freedom of action and gives to a military alliance the right to proclaim military alliance the right to proclaim America's duty to the world." The New York "Herald" following the election published extracts from different Paris newspapers to the same effect. That England is as little inclined as France to lay emphasis on the military features of the Covenant had already been made clear by Lord Grey's letter published before our election campaign had even begun. In answer, then, to the question, What next? we reply that we hope the incoming Administration will at an early date be able to complete the policy initiated under Mr. McKinley and car ried forward under Mr. Roosevelt, the creation of an International Supreme Court and an International Conference, but without any international military or police organization to enforce the decisions of the Court on the judgments of the Conference. For such a purely voluntary and pacific association of the nations the American people are ready with apparently practical unanimity, and there are abundant indications tha it would meet with practically no oppo sition in any of the civilized nations of the world. IV. There still remain questions immediate, pressing, important, which the new Administration will have to meet. Shall we recognize Soviet Russia? Shall we do anything to prote the Armenians from massacre by the Turks? Is France in need of any further pro . tection from a still military Germany? Can our counsels do anything to aid in substituting law and justice for anarchy in Ireland? John Bass, in his interesting book on "The Peace Tangle," says that his observations in Central and Easter Europe made during repeated journeys there since the armistice have led him to the conclusion that "the execution of the treaties of peace in their present forms will lead not only to the perma nent economic decadence of Europe, but to future wars." Is America com mitted to the enforcement of these treaties? In our judgment, No! The President had, under the Constitution, neither legal nor moral right to commit the American people to any responsibility for making the "new map of Europe. The Senate, first by its "round robin," later by its prolonged discussion and its bi-partisan opposition to the League. and the people by the election of 1918, did all they could do to give notice to the world that the President had no mandate to commit America to any such share in European politics. And it is now not only the right, it is the duty of America to pursue such a course action as in the best judgment of its chosen leaders will promote the eco of 22 D nomic prosperity and the future peace of Europe. This is the only answer which can be given to the above quesions before the inauguration of the President-elect; for his action then nust depend upon the conditions which vill then exist. It is true that the new Administraion cannot ignore the hopes and exectations inspired by its predecessor. In the article already quoted, Stéphane auzanne says: "To us French Amera is not only the greatest material orce of the universe, but she is also he greatest moral force of the world." is as true of the Nation as of the dividual that a good name is better ian great riches." The new Adminis'ation must do nothing to impair merica's good name. It must so exerse its liberty of action that its good all not be evil spoken of. 66 But we believe that America, unenngled by any European alliances, can to Poland and Russia, Jugoslavia d Italy, Greece and Turkey, and ge them to seek for their territorial sputes a peaceful settlement, either diplomatic negotiations or by subtting them to a court of conciliation, arbitration tribunal, or an intertional court, and this America can with far more hope of thus contribng to a peaceable and just settlement Ethese European controversies than if goes as one member of a military, iance to tell the contesting and inmed peoples that the Executive uncil has decided their boundaries them and they must accept its deion or confront the united armies of alliance. Finally, and perhaps this is most portant of all, the American people ve a right to expect that those whom has intrusted with the direction of affairs, both National and interional, will undertake the solution all her problems by an open and nk discussion, not only in Congress, also in the press and in unofficial emblies of the people. THE BIG GAME [OVEMBER brings to almost every American college and university "the big game" of the r. It is not always a game which ls forth columns of news in the sportpages with vaporings concerning a thical football championship. It is always a contest in which the general lic is more than casually interested, nevertheless, to those who are ditly concerned it is a dramatic and oric event. It is all very well to talk of over-emphasis upon athletics and to decry the distraction of collegiate attention. from more important tasks, but "the big game " remains a reality which satisfies a normal and healthy craving for a thing without which American life would be the poorer. Why is it that "the big game" has come to loom so large? There is involved the natural human instinct for rivalry, achievement, and acclaim. But other sports in which the same instinct might be gratified hold no such position as the annual test on the gridiron. Even baseball, commonly regarded as the National sport, is forced to take second place to football in the collegiate hall of fame. It is plain that "the big game" transcends the bounds of ordinary collegiate rivalry because football in itself is worthy of the place it occupies. A French officer has defined football as the "struggle of a collective will against another collective will." The definition is apt so far as it goes, but it tells only part of the story. Football is a struggle of collective wills, but it is the game above all others where, in the subordination of the individual to the mass, the individual is not lost in the mass. Football is at once the finest example of co-ordinated effort and of individual daring and skill. This might explain, perhaps, the appeal of football to the player, but it is not the reason why football draws tens of thousands year by year to the great athletic stadiums and coliseums. of the country. There exists a drama of conflict in the game which even to those vastly ignorant of rules and methods possesses in a surpassing degree the power to evoke enthusiasm and to grip the emotions. A football game has in miniature the psychological appeal of a national war. Within the confines of a hundred yards of pounded turf the drama of victory and defeat, of courage and high strategy, the tragedy of misfortune and the triumph of achievement, are displayed as vividly as when the six hundred horsemen of the Light Brigade charged the guns at Balaklava, or when Leonidas with his Spartans held the pass at Thermopylæ. Did you ever see the smiling face of Charles Brickley as he coolly placed a drop kick between a rival's goal posts in the face of a downcharging opposition? Did you ever see Sam White as with his quick hands, driven by a quicker brain, he seized a loose ball and dashed across the goal line for the winning touchdown? Have you ever seen a team, forced back by a heavier and better-trained rival, hold desperately for four long downs on the one-yard line? If so, you will not be inclined to consider what we have said as an over-statement of fact. The courage and manhood which the game of football demands-and do not let any sporting writer delude you into a belief that football grit and spirit is. patented by any one university-proved itself when the Great War came, for American football gave its best to the service of the country. In the Western conference last year, for instance, it is said that there was not a single player on any of the college squads who was not a veteran of the war. Such a record is not a purely physical achievement; it is a record which springs from brain and spirit as well as brawn. There is a social value to the game of football which it shares with other intercollegiate sports, but which in the case of football is intensified by the attention which that game receives. No CHICAGO-ILLINOIS GAME AT STAGG FIELD-ROUSE, OF CHICAGO, BRINGING DOWN better illustration of this can be found Kentucky has always felt very strongly the pleasures and duties of applause that a team from Oxford or Cambridge would have received, and they will never forget it. If you could read the comments of all the Ken tucky papers about it, if you could hear what our people are saying about it, . you would realize that the fa vorable impression created by the game will last, and that the incident as a whole has warmed the hearts of Kentucky people and many other Southern people towards Harvard and established the name of Harvard in the South as hardly anything else could have done. I felt a personal and a very friendly interest as a Kentuckian in the Centre College boys, and I wanted them to win distinction and honor. But I had no idea it could come in such a torrent. If the Harvard Faculty and the men and women of Boston and Cambridge could hear all that has been said in Kentucky about Harvard's hospitality and broad-mindedness, they would realize that Harvard has taken a new hold on the South. The Centre College boys themselves, when they came home, were outspoken and unreserved in their praise of the sportsmanlike conduct, the unexpected welcome, the generous cheers, and testified that no Southern hospitality could ever be greater than that which they had felt and known in Yankee land. The effect which the Harvard-Centre game had upon its two participants is in no way peculiar to the relationship of those two institutions. When Har vard journeyed last winter to the Pa cific Coast, it found the same spirit of hospitality, good sportsmanship, and neighborliness which the Kentucky college found in Massachusetts. Every football game is a bond as well as a battle, an expression of co-operation as well as of competition. It would have been a sorry day for American athletics and American life if those who a few years ago saw in the brutalities of foot-C ball the need of abolition instead of re form had triumphed in their misguided activity. HISTORY OF A BLACK REPUBLIC OST of us received our first introduction to Haiti when we were assigned the task of declaiming part of Wendell Phillips's oration on Toussaint l'Ouverture from a school platform, and it must be confessed that for many of us the acquaintanceship has stopped with that introduction. Something more, however, is needed than a hazy memory of Phillips's celebrated oration to give background to an understanding of the present situation in the Black Republic, a situation which vitally concerns the United States and which is destined to play a promi nent part in future discussions of our National policy towards the smaller nations of our hemisphere. With this in mind, it may be well to give a brief summary of the history of Haiti. Though the outline of this history may be given in a limited space, it will not do to apply Carlyle's phrase, "Happy the people whose annals are blank in history books." Haiti was discovered by Columbus in 1492. The island, now divided into the Republics of Santo Domingo and Haiti, was inhabited by some two million Indians. Under Spanish administration they were not long permitted to dwell in the land of their fathers. As early as 1512 slaves from Africa were imported to take the place of natives as laborers, and it is the de scendants of African slaves who, with a slight infusion of white and Indian blood, now occupy the land. The story of the extermination of the natives is graphically told in Captain Barney's History of the Buccaneers of Amer ica." The story, is one of the most dis graceful chapters in the history of Spanish conquest. Under the Spanish, mines were opened up and plantations developed. Sugar, introduced soon after the discovery, I |