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esses my own conviction. To unite all e Christian churches in one organic d visible Church with one creed, one tual, and one form of organization ould be deplorable. We need different inions and freedom of discussion that e may grow in knowledge of the truth; e need different symbols and different rms of worship to meet the needs of


different temperaments. General Booth refused to require his converts to accept the two sacraments because that requirement would have hindered, not aided, them in entering upon the Christian life. We need different forms of organization for different phases of work. The army organization was desirable for a militant Christianity but undesirable for an edu

cational Christianity, and we need both in the Christian Church. What the Christian Christian Church needs is unity in spirit, not in form; co-operation, not unity; differences of expression and of organization in bodies united by one and the same purpose, animated by one and the same spirit, and loyal to one and the same Master.


OLITICAL foresight had something to do with the inclusion of a plank in the Republican platform ecommending for Hawaii Americanizaion and education of the foreign populaion, home rule, and rehabilitation of the ative race; for the Territorial Legislaare has passed a resolution asking Stateood, and before many years Hawaii is kely to have votes in Congress and in he Electoral College.

But even more the plank was probably spired by a realization of the seriousess of the problems confronting the slands, toward the solution of which hey last winter asked our help through he first legislative commission ever authorized to appear before Congress on Dehalf of the Territory since its annexacion twenty-two years ago. The commission met a friendly reception, and its direct and intimate explanation of many of the elements complicating political and ndustrial affairs made a deep impression. Though intricate and confusing, Hawaii's problems can be summed up in a ew head problems-none of which, however, can be completely solved apart from he others.


Probably the most serious is the race problem, since that may easily involve us with Japan in a dangerous renewal of the old immigration dispute, likewise threatening to break out again in California. In a population of under 265,000, at least 110,000 are Japanese, of whom all born in the islands since 1898-an unknown number, owing to the frequent failure of the Japanese to report birthsare American citizens, although also, under the Japanese law, citizens of Japan. Some 70,000 of the Japanese are of the coolie class. Many of the laborers re accompanied by their families. There are also 22,000 Filipinos, 23,000 Chinese, and many members of various other nationalities; but the race problem cencers in the nearly forty-two per cent of Japanese.

Aside from the international difficulties t presents, exclusion or expulsion of the Asiatics seems almost impossible, because The Asiatics afford the only available ource of labor for the sugar and pinepple industries and for other agriculture, ot to mention also the trades. The lternative to exclusion is to win the liens to loyalty by means of education


and (logically) the recognition of them upon a more equal footing, including the payment of wages proportioned to American standards of living. The immense strategic importance to us of Hawaii as our key outpost in the Pacific makes selfevident the necessity of transforming its foreign elements into a loyal populace.


Entangled with the race problem is the labor problem, involving locally the world-wide dispute about wages and employment conditions. This at present lies ployment conditions. This at present lies mainly between the Planters' Association (since plantation agriculture is the chief industry) and the two labor unions-the Japanese and the Filipino. Owing to a bonus (or profit-sharing) plan under which the hand receives in addition to his stated wage a percentage depending upon monthly and yearly prices, the sugar laborer just now has a fairly good income; but this will rapidly decline when sugar prices fall, and even under present conditions there have recently been serious strikes, evictions, and sabotage. Only the most just and intelligent dealing can avoid the danger inherent in such outbreaks by an organized ignorant and alien coolie class subject to the incitement of agitators, whether these be the agents of the militarist party in Japan, or communists and their sympathizers, or merely well-meaning but radical labor leaders.



Less pressing, but ultimately as important, is the problem of breaking up land monopoly, establishing small proprietorship and diversified agriculture, bringing about a more equitable distribution of wealth and increasing the rural population. The islands, it is estimated, can easily support twice their present population. Owing to a natural and probably legitimate course of agricultural development, an excessive amount of the tillable land is controlled by interrelated or closely allied corporations, companies, and individuals. Something like fivesixths of the real property is thus held by a comparatively small number of owners whose interests are interdependent, and practically the same group own about nine-tenths of the personal property.

The obstacles to more equitable distri

bution of land are industrial and financial rather than legal. Breaking up the large plantations would threaten injury, possibly destruction, to the sugar and fruit industries by lessening efficient management and increasing production costs. It would raise taxes, and would make necessary a problematical and almost revolutionary reorganization in credits, development undertakings, labor system, mill and cannery business, and delivery of field products in dependable quantity. Physically the islands are capable of producing a surplus of food products by means of diversified agriculture; but after twenty-five years of encouragement, diversified farming has made little advance, and there is reasonable doubt whether small proprietorship might not for an indefinite time reduce production and fail in creating any more widely distributed prosperity. Much of the demand for small holdings seems to come from the speculative desire for the one hundred per cent or higher profit often to be turned by a prompt transfer of the "homestead " to larger holders. Economic advance through small proprietorship and diversified agriculture might (owing to the social status of the populace) have to await the slow results of the entire educating and Americanizing policy.


The rehabilitation of the Hawaiian race is more a matter of historical justice than of large economic importance, since of the rapidly decreasing natives there remain only 39,000, two-thirds of whom are mixed in blood, some to the thirtysecond degree. Nevertheless the rehabilitation measures should be one item in the general progressive programme." Home rule" Hawaii already has, in the sense that the Territory has largely ordered its own affairs; but in the sense of popular government it is to a considerable extent still to be attained, because the influence of the old-established social, agricultural, and financial elements has naturally, and perhaps necessarily, been dominant up to this time. The gradual transference of an augmented actual power in Territorial affairs to the heterogeneous and largely alien populace must largely come as a result of their preparation to share social and political responsibility through the carrying out of a wise and adequate programme of education and Americanization. ROBERT W. NEAL.

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TY first experience of democracyin-being followed swiftly upon boarding the steamboat for San Francisco, when "Show this man Number 231" was the American steward's command to a cabin boy. I have no objecion to being called a man-far from it; out after years of being called a gentleman it was startling. That was at Yokoama; and when in the Custom House at San Francisco a porter wheeling a truck broke through a queue of us waiting to obtain our quittances, with the careless warning, "Out of the way, fellers!" I knew that here was democracy indeed.

I confess to liking it, although I was to be brought up with another jolt when a notice-board on a grass-plot suddenly confronted me bearing the words:



But I like it. I like the tradition which, once your name is written in the hotel reception book, makes you instantly "Mr. Lucas" to every one in the place. There is a friendliness about it; the hotel is more of a home, or at any rate less of a barrack, because of it. And yet this universal camaraderie has some odd lapses into formality. The members of clubs in America are far more ceremonious with each other than we are in England. In English clubs the prefix "Mr." is a solecism, but in American clubs 1 have watched quite old friends. and associates whose greetings have been marked almost by pomposity, and certainly by ritual. Yet Americans, I should say, are heartier than we; more happy to be with each other; less critical and exacting. They certainly spend less time in discussing each other's foibles. That may be because the dollar is so much more an absorbing theme, but more likely is because America is a democracy; and the theory of democracy, as I understand it, is to assume that every man is a good fellow until the reverse is proved. I should not like to say that the theory


Try as I might, I could never be quick enough to get in first with that delightful American greeting, "Pleased to meet you," "Glad to know you, Mr. Lucas." I pondered long on the best retort, and at last formulated this, but never dared to use it for fear that its genuineness might be suspected: "I shall be sorry when we have to part."

It was in San Francisco that I learned -and very quickly-that it is as necessary to visit America in order to know what Americans are like as it is to leave one's own country in order to know more about that. Americans when abroad are less hearty, less revealing. They are either suffering from a constraint or an over-assertiveness; and both moods may be due to not being at home. In neither case are they so natural as at home. I suppose that on soil not our own we are all bound to be a little over-anxious to proclaim our nationality, to maintain the distinction. In our hats can be perhaps too firmly planted the invisible flag of our country.

Be this as it may, I very quickly discerned a difference between Americans in America and in England. I found them simple where I had thought of them as the reverse; and now, after meeting others in various parts of the country, even in complex and composite New York, I should say that simplicity is the keynote of the American character. It is in his simplicity that the American differs most from the European.

San Francisco I shall chiefly recollect (apart from personal reasons) for the sparkling freshness and vigor of the air; for the extent and variety of Golden Gate Park; for the vast reading-room in the library at Berkeley, a university which is so enchantingly situated, beneath such a sun, and in sight of such a bay, that I

marvel that any work can be done there at all; and for the miles and miles of perfect tarmac roads fringed with burning eschscholtzias and gentle purple irises. This was in April. The rest of America has no comparable roads. In fact, even around Washington their condition is such that to ride in a motor car is to derive all the alleged benefits of horseback, while in the Adirondacks, anywhere off the noble Theodore Roosevelt Memorial Highway, with its "T. R." blazonings along the route, one's liver is bent and broken. While I was in America the movement to purchase Roosevelt's house as a National possession was in full swing, but this Memorial Highway strikes the imagination with more force. That was an inspiration, and I hope that the road will never be allowed to fall into disrepair.

In San Francisco, too, I made acquaintance with an official new to me, but of great power in America-the buttoned boy who rejoices in the proud title of Bell Captain. He gave me a private insight into his precocity (but that is not the word, for all boys in America are men too), and into his influence, by offering to supply me with forbidden fruit in the shape of a certain Scotch distilled liquor at the modest figure of twenty-five dollars a bottle. He did not, however, say dollars, like most of his compatriots (and it is a favorite word with them); he said something between "dollars" and "dallars."

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