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"I use Espey's on my hands and face regularly after washing, and my skin never chaps."

This is the experience of a sensible little lady, whose clear, smooth skin is the envy of her friends.

Why don't you adopt this suggestion?

You may safely prevent and rid yourself of chapped hands and face by the use of Espey's Cream. Your hands and face may be kept soft and smooth by applying a little Espey's cream each night before retiring.

It is unusually convenient to use being a liquid, dries in the skin quickly and is neither sticky or greasy. Its use for the past 36 years is the strongest argument in its favor. Is just the thing for the tender skin of babies and children.

Gentlemen find it a delightful after-shaving lotion.

Two sizes-25c and 50c

Trial size bottle sent on request.

J. E. ESPEY, 1508 Michigan Ave., Chicago

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JANUARY 13, 1912

HAMILTON W. MABIE, Associate Editor

THEODORE ROOSEVELT Contributing Editor

In Admiral Robley D. Evans ADMIRAL EVANS not only the navy but the Nation has lost a man whose solid services to both navy and Nation were enhanced by that touch of brilliant picturesqueness which has been an attribute of so many great naval characters from the days of Benbow to the days of Nelson, and from the days of Nelson to those of Farragut. Admiral Evans was a Southerner who, like his fellow-Southerners Farragut and Thomas, stood by the Union in the great Civil War. He was a mere boy at the time when, in the desperate land assault on Fort Fisher, he was frightfully wounded, and lay for hours on the field before he could be rescued and his hurts attended to. He recovered sufficiently to go on with his career, but all his life he was a cripple in consequence, and it is not too much to say that throughout his life there was hardly one hour when he was not in physical pain because of these wounds. But his was a dauntless soul, and even those most intimate with him never knew save by accident what he suffered; nor did the attacks of pain, however severe, interfere with his always doing his duty. Probably even the American navy, fertile though it has been in gallant fighting men, has never had any man who more thoroughly and joyously welcomed a fight. But it would be a great mistake to think that the Admiral was nothing but a fighter. To the sailors, and afterward to the people as a whole, he was known by the endearing epithet of "Fighting Bob" Evans, but no man was ever cooler or more wary about getting into a position of danger needlessly; no man was ever more thorough in his preparation to meet any possible event. He was an exceptionally fine battle-ship captain, as was shown by his service in the war with Spain. He was also an exceptionally fine fleet admiral on the high seas, as was shown by the way in which he took the American battle fleet

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on the first and most important and dangerous portion of its voyage around the world. We say "most important" and "dangerous because in the voyage of the battle fleet round the world, as in so many other matters, it is the first step that counts most. The best naval authorities abroad did not believe that any big fleet of battle-ships could go around the world, and laughed at the thought that the American fleet could do what neither an English nor a German fleet would venture to attempt. The success of the venture depended upon the forethought and carefully carried out preparations of the Navy Department, upon the excellence of the officers and men, and finally upon the power of command shown by the Admiral in charge, Robley D. Evans. This was his last and his greatest public service. His life was an honor to the Nation and the flag which he so dearly loved.

FALSE ECONOMY

There is one kind of socalled economy which consists, in the common expression, of "saving at the spigot and wasting at the bunghole." There is another kind of so-called economy which consists in saving money which ought to be spent and spending money which ought to be saved. The Democratic majority in Congress is guilty of both of these kinds of false economy. If there is one thing to which the Democratic party stands pledged, it is to reduce unnecessary expenditure. It begins this task by enormously increasing the pension expenditure of the country through the Sherwood Bill-a new expenditure of from fifty to seventy-five millions and this without the approval of sound principles and against the explicit wish of such Democratic leaders as Mr. Underwood and Mr. Fitzgerald. Of the demerits of this pension legislation-which we heartily hope will fail to pass the upper house, and which we feel confident, from his past utterances, will not receive the President's

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signature—we have already commented in The Outlook. To offset this extravagance and to offset also the proposed passing of a public building bill for thirty millions or more, a plan of cheese-paring economy has been advocated which would, on the whole, be rather more objectionable than the waste of money already determined upon. Thus many House Democrats wish to kill the Tariff Board, the usefulness of which has been recently demonstrated beyond question, by refusing the appropriation necessary to continue its work. To describe this proposed economy" is to characterize it. Again, a similar attempt to save a small sum is shown in the opposition to appropriate the $75,000 asked for by Mr. Taft to continue the work of the "Economy and Efficiency Commission." Senator Aldrich, it has been stated, once said that if the Government were run on business principles perhaps three hundred million dollars a year could be saved; it is through such a commission, acting as an expert adviser, that the way to make this kind of saving is to be sought. Finally, it has been proposed to cut off the appropriation of $25,000 now provided to pay for the President's traveling expenses. This would be a long step backward to effect a picayune saving. The sense of the people of the country is that the President, whoever he may be, should, from time to time and on appropriate and fit occasions, visit different sections of the country in order that the people may hear him and may know him. The expenses of a President at Washington, making due allowance for all that is provided him by Congress, are and must be very large if he is to maintain the social and official dignity of his position. When he travels, his expenses are more than personal, for he must be accompanied by officials and subordinates and must incur large incidental expenses. The people of the country at large understand this, want the President to live and travel in a dignified way, and are thoroughly generous in their intention to provide for all this. We are confident that Congress will not balk this intention on a pitiful and totally false claim of economy.

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paper. Last year there were consumed in this country 3,350,000 tons of sugar, and the consumption is increasing annually at the rate of about five per cent. Cuba sent to this country about half of this amount in spite of a protective duty, and the entire product of the island comes to the United States. The other half is produced in Porto Rico, the Hawaiian Islands, the Philippines, and in the cane and beet fields of the South and West, without the payment of any protective duty. The protective tariff which is laid upon Cuban sugar imported into the United States brings two results it provides the Government with a very large revenue, amounting to many millions of dollars annually, and it enables the free sugar producers under the American flag to make a handsome and, in some cases, an enormous profit. Some of the refiners of raw sugar in this country are asking for a reduction in the duty on raw imports. request is likely to meet with the favor of consumers, who hope that it may lower the price of the manufactured product. But it is also likely to be strenuously opposed by the sugar-growers in free American territory. The sugar problem is to discover a rate of duty low enough to meet the requirements of the consumer and yet not so low as to destroy an essential source of Government revenue or to injure an important industry built up under the protective system. The Government of the United States is in a very real sense the guardian of Cuba, and yet apparently we must continue to tax Cuban sugar in order to avoid the great difficulty of substituting some other form of taxation, either direct or protective, as a substitute for the revenue which we now receive from the sugar tax. Cuban annexation with an Internal Revenue tax on sugar would not solve the difficulty, because the free growers in American territory now producing a million and a half tons a year would protest against free Cuban sugar, and we should be adding more complexities to the already heavy burden involved in the administration of our insular possessions.

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Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, and Austria now claim that their paper and wood pulp should be admitted free by the United States under "the most favored nation " clauses of their commercial treaties. The President is reported as feeling that "the other foreign nations have pressed the favored nations clause a little too vigorously in demanding the admission of wood pulp and print paper free because of the clause which lets them in free from Canada." It It might be said in reply that vigorous pressure for tariff advantages has always been charac teristic of the protective system, and that the effect upon our foreign relations should have been considered when Canadian paper was admitted free-a piece of special legislation which The Outlook has already criticised as inconsistent with the protective principles of the Republican party and unfair to American paper manufacturers. Germany sent to the United States during 1911 seventy thousand tons of wood pulp, worth three million dollars, and she is determined not to permit the United States to favor Canada at her expense if she can help it. The result is that she is admitting Swedish steel at a more favorable tariff than American steel, and in response to protests that this violates the most favored nation principle, she retorts that she is only doing for Swedish steel what the American Government is doing for Canadian wood pulp. The only way out of the difficulty for the Government at Washington appears to be to admit wood pulp and print paper free from Europe or to repeal the free Canadian paper legislation. The Administration is believed to favor repeal, but it is not likely that a majority for repeal can be obtained in the present Congress-the daily newspapers, which almost as a body desire free paper, are too powerful. These complications over paper illustrate the dangers of "tariff tinkering" and the need for a permanent Tariff Commission which can help Congress to frame its tariff legislation on some consistent plan or principle.

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finance, the tariff, party nominations, Conservation, and other political and administrative questions. These fundamental principles Mr. La Follette conceives to be simple. "The great issue before the American people to-day," he declared, "is the control of their own Government." The present Progressive movement he believes to represent a conflict as old as the history of man-the fight to maintain human liberty, the rights of all the people against the encroachment of a powerful few. In his speeches he describes the evil which the Progressive movement is striving to cure, the enemy which the Progressive movement has to fight, as a tremendous power which has grown up in this country in recent years, strong enough to nominate at times the candidates of both political parties, ruling in the organization of legislative bodies and of the committees which form legislation, exerting influence in Cabinets and in the policies of administration, in the appointment of prosecuting officers and the selection of judges. It is a power which in business has crippled or destroyed competition, has stifled individual initiative, has made prices and imposed its burden upon the consuming public at will. In finance its power is unlimited, giving or withholding credit in large affairs, and from time to time contracting or inflating the volume of the money required for the transaction of the business of the country, regardless of everything but its own profits. It has acquired large control of the public domain and monopolized natural resources. "This mighty power," says Mr. La Follette, "has grown up in a country where, under the Constitution and the law, the citizen is sovereign !" The purpose of the Progressive movement, as he sees it, is to restore the popular sovereignty; so to modify and reform, wherever necessary, Constitution, statutes, courts, and all the complex details of government, that they will faithfully carry out and express the wellformulated judgment and the will of the people.

In relation to the trust problem Senator La Follette finds the greatest evil in unfair competition. He would have Congress prohibit specifically all those methods which make possible unfair competition and which operate as unreasonable restraints of trade. He would intrust to a commission the duty of investigating and

SENATOR LA FOLLETTE ON
THE TRUST QUESTION

prohibiting all such unreasonable restraints of trade as may be discovered or introduced subsequently. He would especially give the commission power to ascertain the physical value of the property of any corporation, as well as the value which its intangible property, such as good will, would have under conditions of fair competition; and the power and duty to ascertain the true cost of production based on honest investment, and to determine whether prices charged are yielding extraordinary profits or only the reasonable profits that competitors could earn. He would further eliminate the possibility of unfair competition by the reduction or repeal of any tariff duties which foster it. For the same purpose he would amend the patent laws so that the owner of a patent shall be required either to develop it fully himself or to permit its use by the public on reasonable terms prescribed by the commission on restraints of trade. He would also make impossible the monopoly of natural resources in the form of raw material for the sake of keeping out competitors.

SENATOR LA FOLLETTE
ON THE TARIFF
AND OTHER QUESTIONS

In relation to the tariff, he approves the Republican principle of protective duties based upon the difference in the cost of production in this and competing countries, and a permanent, non-partisan, scientific tariff commission. The direct primary for the selection not only of candidates for local offices, but delegates to Presidential conventions, and a Presidential preference primary by which the voters may directly express their choice for Presidential candidates, he believes to be indispensable pieces of machinery for carrying out Progressive principles. He advocates the adoption of the initiative and referendum and of the recall, including the recall of judges. In relation to Conservation, he has enunciated a definite programme in relation to Alaska, involving the creation of a Board of Public Works for Alaska similar to the Isthmian Canal Commission. This board should undertake to build a railway from Controller Bay to the coal-fields, should acquire all the railways in Alaska, provide for the development of other public utilities, such as the telegraph and telephone, and operate and develop the necessary terminal facilities, and, if necessary, steamship lines, to market the products of Alaska on the Pacific coast. The board should also

control the development of the coal-fields either by direct operation or by leasing the mines under proper supervision, insuring a revenue to the Government for the benefit of the people and regulation for the protection of the consumer. A careful reading of the advance copies of the speeches made by Senator La Follette on his tour gives, we are glad to say, quite a different impression not only of the policies but of the man himself from many of the news despatches published in the press. It is by no means necessary for a Progressive to agree with everything which Mr. La Follette has set forth in these speeches, but with the underlying principles for which Mr. La Follette stands, and with most of the ends which he is seeking to accomplish, if not with all the methods which he proposes for bringing them about, we believe that most Progressives will be in accord. We understand that Mr. La Follette has been greeted by great audiences. Whether the crowds that have gathered to hear him have been impelled by enthusiasm for the man, belief in the principles he advocates, or a desire to protest against present political conditions, it would be hard to say; probably by all three in varying proportions.

IRRESPONSIBLE JOURNALISM

The conduct of a great portion of the press relating to Presidential politics reminds one of Kipling's banderlog-the monkey people. Incessantly they chatter, and the things they spoke of yesterday they have forgotten to-morrow. The New York "Globe" rightly represents the actual situation when, in commenting on a recent statement in the Philadelphia “North American " (a statement which was substantially correct) it says: "Mr. Roosevelt is not a candidate now. He has no expectation of being a candidate next year. To state so much emphatically is as far as Mr. Roosevelt may be expected to go. It is disclaimer enough to satisfy the fair-minded. As to what would be his answer if a universal demand for him should arise next year it is not fair to ask him to say. As Lincoln was fond of saying, no man may be justly asked to say, before he has reached it, whether he will or will not cross a particular bridge." This should be explicit enough; yet, without any evidence whatever to sustain them, several of the New York papers, following their customary wild and irresponsible methods as regards Presidential campaigns, soon after

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