MORAL TRAINING

IN THE SCHOOLS OF JAPAN

The Outlook last week laid emphasis on the fact that our public school system is defective in that it furnishes no moral training for the young except as individual teachers who are able to furnish such training incidentally. Happily this is done to a very considerable extent. Happily also the American people are beginning to recognize the truth of Huxley's definition of education, and to realize that nothing deserves that name unless it includes not merely "the instruction of the intellect in the laws of nature, under which name I include not merely things and their forces, but men and their ways; and the fashioning of the affections and of the will into an earnest and loving desire to move in harmony with those laws." Very interesting efforts are being made in the different State universities to introduce this element of moral training without conflicting with the fundamental American principle that sectarian teaching is not to be supported by the State, nor the Church endowed directly or indirectly by the State. This endeavor to unite moral training with intellectual education appears, however, to be even more than a national movement; in some sense more than a Christian movement. A Japanese correspondent has called our attention to a course pursued in Japan for the same broad purpose the moral training of the young-and he sends us the following translation of an Imperial rescript on education issued in 1890. This translation, he says, although it is the work of a Government committee, and may be regarded as official, "does not do justice to the original, which, quite apart from the contents, is a rare model as a literary production." "The sonorous and dignified style of this edict," he adds, can be better conveyed in Latin, or in some of the romance languages, than in the Teutonic." The rescript is as follows:

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THE IMPERIAL RESCRIPT ON EDUCATION

Know ye, Our subjects:

Our Imperial Ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and everlasting and have deeply and firmly implanted virtue; Our subjects, ever united in loyalty and filial piety, have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty thereof. This is the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire, and herein also lies the source of Our education. Ye, Our subjects, be filial to your parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters; as husbands and wives be harmonious, as friends true; bear yourselves in modesty and modera

tion; extend your benevolence to all; pursue learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral powers; furthermore, advance public good and promote common interests; always respect the Constitution and observe the laws; should emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the State; and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth. So shall ye not only be Our good and faithful subjects, but render illustrious the best traditions of your forefathers.

The Way here set forth is indeed the teaching bequeathed by Our Imperial Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and the subjects, infallible for all ages and true in all places. It is Our wish to lay it to heart in all reverence, in common with you, Our subjects, that we may all thus attain to the same virtue. The 30th day of the 10th month of the 23d year of Meiji.

(Imperial Sign Manual, Imperial Seal.) How effectively moral training is carried on under this rescript The Outlook is not able to state. We are informed that, as might be expected, the effectiveness of the training depends largely upon the individual school and the individual teacher. One method pursued appears to us to be worthy of consideration, if not of imitation, in American schools. Certain questions are formulated under subdivisions. For example: What does being filial to your parents involve?-in certain supposititious cases propounded by the teacher; and this question is then freely discussed by the class, so that they will not get a rule of conduct given to them by the teacher, but will develop a principle of conduct by their own free discussion.

A MAGAZINE ANNIVERSARY

When the first number of "Scribner's Magazine" appeared, twenty-five years ago, it seemed to many that the field was already overcrowded an opinion which now seems as amusing in its inaccuracy as the opinion of a group of capitalists who dined together shortly after the close of the Civil War and decided that the prosperity of the country had reached its greatest possible height. The new magazine had a perfectly definite aim from the start, and made its own place with astonishing rapidity. It was radically different from the other magazines in its own class-a difference not easy to define, but expressive of the strongly marked individuality of its editor, which speedily revealed itself in the selection of writers and their manner of treating their topics. It was not accidental that the distinguished men and women of letters associated with the maga

mon sense. A more simple and persuasive presentation of what is in many households a.difficult matter to decide would be difficult to find. Miss Abbie Farwell Brown, a skillful writer for children, discusses "The Book and the Child," another subject which perplexes older folk; while Dr. Ralph K. Smith, who is an authority on the prevention of disease and deformity in children, contributes a prophetic article on "The Relation of the Doctor to the Home "-prophetic because he points out that the time has come to secure from physicians the same service which is now secured from lawyers-the service of prevention. Every home, Dr. Smith tells us, and the habits of living of every family, ought to be inspected by the home physician, and every person in the household ought to be examined in order that any existing defect may be discovered. The short editorials in the first number of "Home Progress" and the departments"The Editor's Fireside," "Our Book Table," and Clothing for Children "-promise intelligent helpfulness. This magazine, which is to include topics for discussion, lists of books for reading, and selected stories and poems, is part of the "Home Progress reading courses, selected for their bearing on health, education, and home ideals. The three volumes already published, to be used in connection with these courses, include a "Handbook of Health," by Dr. Woods Hutchinson; "Stories to Tell to Children," by Sara Cone Bryant; and "As the Twig is Bent," by Susan Chenery; contributions to the three departments of health, mental training, and moral guidance. "Home Progress" is under the editorial direction of Miss Elizabeth McCracken, whose very interesting articles on "The Women of America" have not been forgotten by readers of The Outlook.

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UNIVERSITY ADMINISTRATION

A recent number of the admirable periodical "Science " contains an interesting and suggestive article on "University Ideals and University Administration." The author, Dr. Stewart Paton, is a graduate of Princeton, was for some time affiliated with Johns Hopkins University, and has in recent years been engaged abroad in original research in the field of biological psychology. The article is a sympathetic but sharp criticism of American universities upon two grounds: first, that their administration is

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faulty; and, second, that they are primarily, if not wholly, devoted to teaching, and neglect the advancement of learning, which is quite a different matter, although it ought to go hand in hand with teaching. The president and trustees control the teaching and learning functions of the university, whereas, in Dr. Paton's opinion, they ought chiefly to administer its material side. trustees are always graduates of the university, think in terms of the university, tend to preserve the traditions of the university, and, on the whole, are reluctant to get the advice or the co-operation of outside experts. This leads invariably to inbreeding. "The choice of trustees in our Eastern universities in a large number of instances is not determined by the individual's personal qualifications for the position, nor by his special knowledge of university problems. The selection depends frequently upon the partisanship of the candidate, reflected in the uncritical attitude of devotion to his Alma Mater, . . . which produces a hypo sensitiveness in detecting the defects of his own, and a corresponding degree of hypersensitiveness for picking out those of other institutions." Dr. Paton would have prominent authorities in university education from outside the university frequently called upon to inspect and to advise; he would have the faculty given more power in directing the teaching and research work of the university. He would have the tenure of office for president or dean limited. The office of president of the university might be distinct from that of president of the board of trustees, and the faculty might elect the president of the board of trustees. "The salaries paid to executives should not greatly exceed those of the professors, nor should more elaborate provisions be made for the residences of president and dean than for those of the faculty." As to the second point of criticism, Dr. Paton rightly says that "learning and teaching, if either one is to be successful, cannot be dissociated." A man cannot be a teacher unless he is also a learner, and therefore the true university should encourage research work and investigation among its faculty and instructors, and, as far as is possible, among its students. No body of students can be inspired by merely teaching them by rote from text-books or by training them "to submissively follow the teacher." It must be apparent to any one who stops for a moment to think that in the realm of philosophy, social economics, or history those

teachers are most successful who encourage their students to draw and frankly express their own conclusion, under the guidance of the teacher, from the facts which are given by recognized authorities. It was President Garfield, a graduate of Williams, who said he believed that a genuine university or college. might be a log with a student at one end and President Hopkins at the other; and Dr. Paton quotes the late President Gilman, of Johns Hopkins, who more than once affirmed that "the true university does not depend upon 'cloistered aisles' or a beautiful campus." This is only another way of saying that the real university teacher is the one who inspires his pupil with the desire to acquire and digest knowledge himself, and not to take it ready-made from a superior power that injects it into him. The spirit of education is as vital in the United States as it is anywhere else in the world, but that is no reason for saying that the educational methods in this country are above criticism. We believe such articles as Dr. Paton's are of real value in their critical character, even when their conclusions do not command unreserved assent and approval.

STUDYING THE NEGRO PROBLEM

President Alderman, of the University of Virginia, has announced a gift of $12,500 to that University by the trustees of the Phelps Stokes Fund as a permanent foundation for the endowment of a fellowship in sociology for the study of the Negro. This fund was established by the late Miss Caroline Phelps Stokes to assist in improving the condition of the Negro, and the trustees have adopted this as one of the methods to carry out her purpose. A similar sum has been given to the University of Georgia. The object of this fund is to yield an income of $500 to a fellow in sociology, selected by the university authorities in each university, to pursue advanced studies under their direction, and to prepare, as the result, a paper on some aspect of the Negro problem, the paper to be published by the university. This seems to The Outlook an admirable movement. It was natural, and perhaps unavoidable, that at the close of the war the East, which had regarded the new West as missionary ground, should similarly regard the new South as missionary ground. It was certainly inevitable that the South should resent being so regarded. Whatever excuse there may have been for this attitude fifty

in these changes of costume. The reader interested in such matters will find in Mr. William Winter's recent book, "Shakespeare on the Stage," many productions of old-time players in costume. The idea of the museum, Professor Matthews says, came to him as the result of a visit to the French Dramatic Museum in the Library of the Opéra in Paris. It is not to be a collection simply for the curious; it is to play an important part in the study of the drama at Columbia, and will enable the instructor of literature to show how physical conditions impose themselves on playwrights and actors. The Greek theater in the open air, covering an immense area, compelled certain dramatic forms and a certain style of acting; while the modern cabinet theater has brought into being a more intimate play in which subtle shades of character may be effectively expressed to a relatively small audience. appurtenances of the drama have thus had important effects upon the drama itself. In connection with the museum there is to be also a library of manuscripts, prompt-books, and dramatic literature which throw light on the American stage.

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FOR A PEACE COMMISSION

Most Americans do not realize that the spirit existing among certain wage-earners and among certain employers and their sympathizers is a spirit of bitter war. To what extremes this spirit has brought men has been shown by the McNamara case. What is still more serious is that this spirit of war exists in many places where it finds no expression in overt acts. Just now public attention has been called to the violence of employees; but there is not a particle of doubt that equally brutal acts have been committed by employers.

Public knowledge of these conditions ought not to depend upon newspaper gossip or upon the reports of occasional and sporadic cases in court. Certainly, correction of these evils will not be secured merely by the punishment of individuals here and there. Such individuals should be punished; it is a scandal every time that an offender against the public welfare is not punished. But punishment is not enough. The whole Nation ought to know what is going on. If there is tyranny, if there is disorder, the country ought to know it, and ought to know who is responsible, and ought to know what

causes lie behind it, and ought to know what may be done about it.

There are wrongs and grievances. How shall they be corrected? Are they to be dealt with, on the one hand, by dynamite, and, on the other hand, by rifles in the hands of hired detectives? Unless the people as a whole deal with these wrongs and grievances in an orderly and civilized fashion, and with the determination to secure justice, irresponsible men will deal with them in a disorderly and uncivilized manner, and with the determination to secure privilege.

There are a great many employers and employees who have not this war spirit at all-thousands upon thousands of them. For their sake, as well as for the general good, the Nation should undertake to get at the bottom of those questions which divide employers from employees.

Forty-one men and women acquainted with the seriousness of this situation, and, from widely varying points of view, all acquainted with social problems, and all eminent in their own fields, have signed a communication to President Taft on the subject. They ask the President to advocate the appointment by himself and Congress of "a commission to investigate, study, and consider the grave problems of internal statesmanship" involved in these questions.

They wish such a commission to study the methods used by both sides in such an industry as the structural iron trade; to investigate the relation of the courts to such matters as the boycott and the picket and the strikebreaker; to look into the rules and records of trade unions; and to make a study of the remedies which have been proposed or practiced.

To show how weighty this communication is, we cite, practically at random, certain names on this petition (in inverse alphabetical order): Rabbi Wise, of the Free Synagogue in New York; Professor Seligman, of Columbia University; Secretary McFarland, of the Social Service Commission of the Federal Council of Churches; Paul U. Kellogg, of the "Survey;" Professor Jenks, of Cornell University and of the Immigration Commission; John M. Glenn, of the Sage Foundation; Edward T. Devine, of the Charity Organization Society; Louis D. Brandeis, well known as a lawyer prominent in many public cases; Miss Jane Addams, of Hull House, Chicago; and Lyman Abbott.

When the President places this matter

before Congress, as we trust he will, his recommendation to Congress for the creation of such a commission will have the support of public opinion.

PURE FOOD

Under the Federal Pure Food Law great advances have been made in protecting the people from manufactured foods and medicines which contain poisonous, injurious, and filthy ingredients. But there is much yet to be done.

No political or social reform is achieved in a single step; no political or social reform can be accomplished until the people are convinced of its necessity. The American people are now thoroughly convinced that they have in the past not infrequently eaten bread baked in filthy bakeries, meat packed in filthy packing-houses, and preserved and canned foods composed of filthy materials, and containing poisonous chemicals introduced for the sake of concealing the filth.

This is strong language, but we believe that it is accurate. This popular and wellsubstantiated conviction has led to the Pure Food movement. The present law has effected many desirable reforms and is excellent as far as it goes, but it needs to go further. There is a twilight zone in food manufacturing which the law must reach and illuminate.

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There have been honest differences of opinion about the use of certain substances for the artificial preservation of milk, butter, cheese, meats, fruits, and vegetables. Among these the principal ones are borax, boracic acid and the various boron compounds, salicylic acid and the various salicylates, benzoic acid and the benzoates, formaldehyde, and alum. None of these preservatives is specifically prohibited by the Federal Pure Food Law. Borax in its various forms was chiefly used in the so-called preservation of meat, fish, and the products of milk; it was abolished by administrative regulation through the initiative of Dr. Wiley, and since its abolition there has been a constant effort to get it restored to use. The public must determine whether it wishes the use of these preservatives in manufactured foods continued, and if it wishes them forbidden it must see to it that the Federal law prohibits them. State laws can never be fully effective.

Many of the chemicals used in food-pre