sels, to be the only substantial protection given to our shipping. The duty upon foreign vessels engaged in our coasting trade, he considered so insignificant as not to be worthy of observation.] FEBRUARY, 1824. is said we are about to annihilate. Let us see Butter and cheese were exported to the Sent across the Atlantic 142,000 220,000 6,000 Pork, hams, bacon, and lard, exported 1,357,000 Sent across the Atlantic 40,000 Flour exported 5,100,000 473,000 Sent across the Atlantic Of this, we sent $127,000 to Madeira, and $145,000 to Gibraltar, probably for the use of Spain. Tallow candles and soap Sent across the Atlantic, less than $788,000 20,000 Even the fisheries, for whose prosperity so much solicitude is constantly expressed, cannot boast of a very distinguished transatlantic favor. For the year 1822, the value of dried and smoked fish exported was $666,000. Of this, Europe received less than 37,000. Yet the farmers of three-fourths of the Union are told, by those engaged in foreign commerce, to be careful to be prudent, or they will meet with a dreadful retaliation! This is a proud state of independence. When foreign nations have done their utmost, we must still prostrate ourselves before them, and beg no further exercise of their power. Each European nation consults its own interests, regardless of other consequences. The United States are fearful of pursuing their interests, lest they should incur the displeasure of others. Mr. M. said he was very sorry if he had called the attention of the Committee to an insignificant subject. Having bestowed some attention to the history of our navigation laws, he would present a few observations, and leave the Committee to judge between the honorable gentleman and himself. In 1793, the shipping of the United States was not sufficient for our trade. By some it was estimated that we had not one-fourth of the tonnage required. I now call the attention of the Committee to the act of 1789. It provides that, on ships and vessels entered in the United States, if wholly owned by American citizens, a duty shall be paid of six cents per ton. On ships and vessels, wholly owned by foreigners, fifty cents per ton. On American vessels engaged in the coasting trade, six cents per ton, payable once a year. On foreign vessels, carrying American produce from one of our ports to another, fifty cents a ton, payable at each entry. By the act of 1790, foreign vessels engaged in our coasting trade, were subject to a duty of fifty cents a ton on each entry whether they transported foreign or domestic goods and merchandise. Here, sir, is that insignificant protection to our navigation which was so far beneath the notice of the gentleman from New York. The first Congress was composed of the ablest statesmen of the Union. If the honorable gentleman will take the trouble to examine the proceedings of that body, he will find that the law referred to was adopted for the express purpose of creating and protecting American navigation, most especially that part The West Indies and South America afford the employed in the coasting trade. It was consid- only markets for the productions which have ered an all important measure by which that been mentioned. Out of this trade, we must supgreat object could be accomplished. While supply ourselves with the commodities which they ported by such facts, and by the authority of such afford, and the remainder is converted into funds men, I have but little to fear from a decision of to meet the balance against us in other countries; this Committee. I shall leave to the honorable to give employment to foreigners; to give activity gentleman from New York the distinguished sat- to industry abroad, while ours is neglected. Enisfaction of being the first to discover the insig-glish West Indies now stand on the brink of ruin. nificance of that policy which Mr. Madison and his associates, the most enlightened statesmen of the age, considered of the most vital importance to the country. Sir, let me repeat that our navigation has always been cherished by every American. It is the favorite of the nation. It will not be surrendered. If the present measure should be adopted, and prove injurious in its operation, an instant remedy will be applied. It will be protected. The power of the nation will come to its aid on the least appearance of danger. Those opposed to the bill, Mr. Chairman, express the most fearful apprehensions that foreign nations would exclude our productions from their markets, if we should diminish the importation of theirs. What more can they do? What does the agriculture of the Middle and Northern States now furnish, and where is it sent? Permit me to refer to the official statements of our commercial affairs. Let us have a practical commentary on that noble system of unrestricted trade, which it Spain dare not interfere with the trade of Cuba. Another very serious objection is raised, to which I will call the attention of the Committee. We are told that England will exclude the cotton of the Southern States. I admit gentlemen from that section of country well understand and ably maintain its interests. With the greatest deference and respect to their opinions, allow me, sir, to offer some observations for the consideration of the Committee. What has ever been the policy of England, in relation to raw materials, which she could not produce, and which her principal manufactures required? On these she never imposed any discouraging burdens, unless to aid her own agriculture. She never excluded the raw silk of Italy, let the balance of trade be ever so great against her; she never excluded the iron and hemp of Russia, whatever might be the condition of trade with that country. Her manufactures demanded these materials, and they were always received. Allow me, sir, to state the condition of the cotton manufactures of England. I assert, upon the authority of the most authentic exposé of English affairs for 1823, that the manufacture of cotton alone is equal in value to all the other manufactures of that kingdom. She exported, in cotton goods, in 1820, the value of £16,000,000 sterling; in 1821, to the amount of £20,500,000; in 1822, to the amount of £21,600,000; in 1823, at the time of the publication of that exposé, the manufacture was still rapidly advancing. To this amount must be added the quantity required for home consumption. It is supposed that the whole value will exceed $160,000,000. We do not receive a twentieth of what is manufactured in that country. The entire loss of this part of our trade would be scarcely felt by England; yet, it is confidently said, she would reject our cotton. She would encourage its growth in the West Indies, in Egypt, and Brazil. I present to the Committee a brief statement of cotton imported into England for several periods, and the countries from which it was received: Bales of American. Brazil. 74,000 76,000 150,000 375,000 448,000 1823 119,000 All other. 99,000 56,000 88,000 75,000 80,000 67,000 I have not been able to procure a statement of the quantity of Brazils and other cottons for 1821 and 1822. The greatest quantity of Brazils was in 1814, when ours was excluded in part by the war. Since that time the cotton of that country has declined. In all others, except American, there has been but little alteration. Ours has rapidly augmented. We receive not more than one twentieth of the cotton fabrics produced in England, while she receives from us nearly two-thirds of the raw material. The culture of cotton is not increasing to any dangerous extent in Brazil or Egypt, or in the English colonies. Is England so regardless of her interests as to close her ports against us and depend upon other countries, which it is certain cannot afford a supply? The very idea would shake the British empire to its centre. It is true, sir, that England will receive this great staple only while her interests will be promoted. The comparatively trifling amount of cotton goods we receive is a matter of secondary importance to her. But, whether we take her manufactures or not, whenever she can procure cotton on better terms from any other country, ours will be at once rejected. Her friendship or compassion is but little concerned in her policy or interest. If, sir, there is any danger that England may exclude it, is the domestic market to be disregarded? If it must share the fate of the beef, pork, and flour, of other countries, ought we not to be prepared for the event? About two-thirds as much is annually consumed in the United States as was exported in each of the years 1815, 1816, H. OF R. and 1817. We have advanced faster in the manufacture of this article than the Southern States did in the production. It seems to me that this is deserving of consideration. Here, sir, permit me to observe, that the honorable gentleman from New York (Mr. CAMBRELENG) was mistaken, when he spoke of the discouragement of the cotton manufacture in England; that we had given it a greater protection already. India first furnished Europe with cotton fabrics. When the raw material could be procured, the manufacture was introduced into England. In 1699, the white cotton goods of India were prohibited entirely. In 1721, the printed cottons were also excluded. I misunderstand the effect of prohibition, if we have given equal protection. France did the same as early as 1687. It is long since that England and France have surpassed the Eastern fabric. This country has made more rapid progress in this kind of manufacture than either, as far as it has received protection. In turn, we may become the successful competitors of those nations in the markets which they command by their present industry and skill. The inquiry is often made, why do manufactures produce these great results in a country which gives them encouragement? They give an enlarged field for the exercise of the moral and physical energies of a people. They furnish employment adapted to their various inclinations, tastes, and talents. They are associated with all the useful arts and sciences. They afford, also, the immense advantages of machinery. We have been told that the machinery employed in Great Britain performs the labor of two hundred millions of people. On the other hand agriculture is chiefly conducted by manual industry. The labor of a thousand of our citizens on their farms would perhaps be of much less value than the product of a single machine in France or England. Sir, manufactures give a steady and solid value to the landed property of a country. While we are dependent upon foreign markets, foreign nations may affect, if not determine, the value of every acre of land in the Union. A domestic market will always be safe and permanent. The price of our lands, except in the immediate vicinity of populous towns or navigable waters, is literally reduced to nothing. The ordinary produce of agriculture is heavy and bulky, in proportion to its value. Its cost of transportation to market, leaves no balance to the producer. By establishing manufactories of hemp, iron, wool, and cotton, in all their various branches, you give a demand for additional productions. The labor of the nation is divided. Climate and soil are consulted. Employment has a greater selection of objects. The raw materials are changed, by art and labor, into forms required for use. A supply would be furnished for the surrounding country, and the rest would be sent, with trifling expense, to some common market, and exchanged for the productions of other sections of country. Iron would be given for salt, cloths for cotton, hemp for fish, all that was surplus in one part, for what was to spare in another. Manufactures would, therefore, equal ize the value of property throughout the country, and be advantageous to every portion of it. Sir, the interior of the country has long suffered from a deficient circulating medium. Property is not represented by a steady currency. Our good citizens desire the ordinary comforts of civilized life. They resort to credit to procure them, and depend upon the fruits of their industry for payment. A constantly declining market brings continued disappointment. What little money may have found its way into the country, is instantly taken out of circulation, and returned to the commercial cities. By increasing manufactures, we shall pur'chase less from abroad, and augment the means of payment at home. To give us a little consolation, we are informed that the smaller the amount of money in circulation, the more it will buy. This might be true, if it regulated the price of every article required for consumption. It is true, as to beef and flour, in Vermont and Kentucky, but it is not so, as to foreign articles. The price of sugars, teas, and coffee, would experience but little change, whatever might be the amount of money in circulation in Ohio or Tennessee. Sir, it is often asserted as a maxim of political economy, that we should buy where we can buy the cheapest. This, I admit, is very captivating doctrine. But I will venture to assert another rule, much safer, and equally intelligible: it is, that we should buy where we can pay the easiest. I believe, upon a moment's reflection, all will admit that the best purchase of an article which is wanted, is when the payment is the most conveniently and easily made. Manufactories distributed through the country, would afford this advantage in a great degree. As has been repeatedly observed, there would be a new market for the raw materials. The farmer would be more frequently enabled to make ready payment in the produce of his land. He would avoid credit, and be free from the dangers of being compelled to change his property into money. If there is a greater nominal value in the article purchased, so there generally will be in the article sold. The great advantage is being able readily to exchange what you have for what you want. This may not be compatible with the rigid rules of cash dealings, but is applicable to the course of business among the great mass of the people. 6 FEBRUARY, 1824. their own interests; and they as well understand the duty of their Government also. They knew the benefits which the protection of our navigation would produce. It was the Government alone which could give that protection. They knew that encouragement should be given to the fisheries, and it was given. They demanded that protection should be given to coarse cottons. It was given; and the result proves that they understood their interests. The merchants know, that duties upon sales at auction are necessary, to protect their employment. I hope, sir, that their application to Government will not be in vain. I hope, also, that the people of the interior may be allowed to have some knowledge of what might prove advantageous to them. They do know; and millions have asked and implored, in language which would move the heart of Nero, for the aid of their Government. They do know, that their interests would be promoted by a decisive protection of their industry. Sir, another objection to the present measure is presented. The memorial of the citizens of Boston tells us, "the burden occasioned by most of the particular duties recommended, would fall on all the community, but chiefly on those least able to bear it. In this country, the poor man, personally, consumes nearly as much tea, coffee, and sugar, as the rich; and, though his clothing is not so fine, yet its cost constitutes a much greater proportion of his whole expenses. Besides, this new tariff is so nicely adjusted as to lay a far heavier impost on coarse cottons and linens, than ' on those of a finer texture." I am not disposed to call in question the philanthropy of the people of that city. It certainly is gratifying to learn that so large a share of the comforts of life fall to the poorer classes in that section of our country. It would afford as much satisfaction to see those of the interior in the enjoyment of equal blessings. But, sir, how should manufactures be first introduced in a country like ours? Is it by giving the first encouragement to the finest and most perfect fabrics, because they are consumed by the rich? Are we to expect the highest skill at once? It is impossible. It is strange that any friend to manufactures should recommend such a course. The first efforts of manufacturing skill have been properly directed to coarse and common fabrics. It would be the extreme of folly for our Government to introduce the manufacture of fine broadcloths and cambrics, before the country could produce the plainest cottons and woollens. Have the poor no equivalent, even should there be a momentary advance of price on the articles which they consumed. They certainly have that equivalent in the increased demand for the labor of themselves and families. They will be enabled more generally to procure the necessaries and conveniences of life. Our experience already gives demonstration of the correctness of this assertion, But, sir, we are repeatedly asked, do you expect to make the people rich by legislation? Do they not understand their own business and interests? Are they not competent to decide what employment is the most profitable? Under an existing state of things, they undoubtedly are. It is also true, that they will adapt their labor and industry to the policy which their Government may pursue. But, it cannot be denied, that the employment of the people of one nation has more or less relation to, and dependence on, the employment of the people of another. It is only by the agency of one Again, the memorial to which I have alluded Government that the policy of another can be observes that, "if they are manufactures of materesisted. The people, in their individual capacity,rials raised by us, and we might, by prohibiting cannot produce the effect. I fully admit, sir, that 'their importation, make them ourselves at a highthe people of the United States well understand er price than they actually cost us, is it not equal ly true that, if the hostility of the nation which supplies us, or any other cause, should prevent 'their importation hereafter, we may make them at the same additional expense, then? And 'why should we assume a burden now, because it 'may fall on us hereafter?" Can manufactures, sir, be introduced in a moment? Are they to have no protection but the hostility of other nations, and that protection to end when that hostility ceases? Deplorable, indeed, must be the condition of a country governed by such policy. Who will venture their capital? What would be the value of skill? It seems to me that such opinions contain their own refutation. H. of R. existence. Some, on a very limited scale, in the neighborhood of populous settlements, having particular advantages, may afford a moderate profit. But a great proportion in that State and in the Union, are sinking under the pressure of foreign rivalry. We imported forty thousand tons for the last year. The amount will continally increase unless Government interferes. The value in our own ports, exclusive of duties, must be, at least, two millions and a half of dollars. This is furnished by Russia, Sweden, and England. Look, sir, at our trade with those countries. In 1822, we took of Russia, in iron, hemp, and other merchandise, to the amount of $3,300,000. She received of us, our productions to the value of $177,000. We took from Sweden, in the same year, of her productions, to the value of $1,151,000. That country received from us $180,000. Engthe Middle and Northern States. The balance must, of course, be paid in the profits of some other branch of commerce. Suppose, sir, a part of what we send abroad for iron should be expended in the United States. Suppose five hundred thousand dollars should be expended around the shores of Lake Champlain, the effects would be immense. It would cause an investment of capital to a vast amount. It would give profitable employment to thousands of people. The hidden riches of the earth would be drawn from its bosom, where they would otherwise lie useless for ages. Manufactures, of which this metal is the principal material, would at once spring into existence. The agriculture of the surrounding country would be revived and invigorated. Millions and millions in value would be added to sections of territory, which are now desolate, barren, and uncultivated While one object of the bill is to enlarge the amount of manufactures, another, equally important, is to protect those which already exist. A great proportion of our people engaged, have small capital. Yet, to many, the present encour-land takes nothing of consequence produced by agement, with a steady market, would be sufficient. They want the advantage of regular and frequent sales. The foreign manufacturer is aware of this. His capital is immense. He is able to fill our market when he pleases, although at a present sacrifice. The domestic manufacturer is interrupted in his business, and perhaps ruined, when regular and reasonable prices would have given a safe and satisfactory profit. It is not a fair course of dealing that is embarrassing, but a kind of speculation which can be sustained by the foreign manufacturer, but which the domestic is unable to meet. When the last is driven away, the other is able to make good any temporary sacrifice. There may be some manufactures which will advance in price for the moment, but competition will soon reduce them to a proper level. Experience has ever proved the absolute certainty of this. A trifling augmentation of value, for a limited time, is at once overwhelmed by considerations of national advantage, which I have endeavored to illustrate. The importance of the article of iron is admitted on every side. Whether in peace or war, it is of the first necessity. To depend on foreign nations for this, is too dangerous to our safety, and too degrading to our character. The country around Lake Champlain in New York and Vermont contains inexhaustible mines of the richest quality. Other parts of the Union also possess them. If once protected, the most abundant supply of iron would be produced. The country where they exist in the greatest abundance, is generally sterile, mountainous, and of little value in its present condition. With few exceptions, the manufacturer is prostrate beyond redemption, unless the aid of Government is afforded. From the counties of Essex and Clinton, in New York, we have a statement of their number and condition. There are between thirty and forty forges, which could produce nearly four thousand tons per annum. They now produce about one thousand. There are numerous manufactories for rolling and slitting and making nails. But foreign competition has rendered them almost useless. There are many in Vermont which have gone to decay and ruin, or preserve a lingering, doubtful 18th CoN. 1st SESS.-55 where wild beasts alone have undisputed dominion. The lake and connecting canals open the way to expanded markets. The products of the mines would be exchanged for the various commodities abroad, which the comforts and convenience of the people would require. The same advantages would also result to New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and every other State where this invaluable article could be produced. What sacrifice, sir, is required of any interest, commensurate with the benefits to be derived from a solid and decided protection of this important production? The same reasons apply, sir, with equal force to other important manufactures, the raw materials of which, this country affords an abundance. The subject is exhaustless. I have trespassed upon the patience of the Committee too long already. As to the revenue, it seems to me that no danger is to be feared. The Secretary of the Treasury has recommended a revision of the tariff, for the benefit of revenue and the aid it would give to the manufactures of the nation. The proposed augmentation of the duty to twenty-five per cent. on merchandise now paying fifteen, would add greatly to its amount. It would operate principally on the rich, and tend to equalize the burdens of supporting the Government between them and the poor. Cottons are generally H. OF R. Death of Mr. Ball. MARCH, 1824. used by the latter, in the place of linens; and silks | whose loss we deplore, and whose spirit has fled are not required by necessity. It may be remarked, also, that the fine fabrics will but little diminish for years. The ability of the people to procure a greater amount of such commodities, as this country can never produce, will constantly improve. The demand for the consumption of these will continually increase with our rapidly increasing population. I hope, sir, that the example of other nations will not be considered useless here. They may serve as a guide to our determination on this important subject. The reasons upon which they are founded, are clear and incontrovertible. Our experience had also proved the value of the aid already given to our manufactures. The earnest applications from almost every part of the country, for further assistance, must have an impressive influence on this Committee. I hope that the object of the motion now immediately under consideration, will be the last abandoned, and that the general provisions of the bill will receive the sanction of the Government. When Mr. MALLARY had concluded— On motion of Mr. BROWN, of Pennsylvania, the Committee then rose. Mr. SLOANE, of Ohio, gave notice that, on Tuesday next, he should move that the House go into a Committee of the Whole on the contested election of a member from Massachusetts (Mr. BAILEY.) The House then adjourned. MONDAY, March 1. DEATH OF MR. BALL. As soon as the journal of Saturday was read, Mr. A. STEVENSON, of Virginia, rose, and addressed the House, as follows: Mr. Speaker: I rise to perform a painful and melancholy duty. It is to announce the death of my friend and colleague, WILLIAM LEE BALL, a Representative from the State of Virginia. On yesterday, it pleased Almighty God to call him from this scene of suffering and trial to the abode of the blessed! The awful stillness and gloom which pervade this Hall, proclaim, more strongly than any effort of mine could do, the loss which we have sustained! In asking you to pay this last tribute to the memory and virtues of my deceased friend, what can I say to add to the strong and deep sympathy which is so generally and kindly manifested throughout this House? He was known to you all, and by all respected, esteemed, and beloved. I knew him well, for he was the early companion of my youth, and the friend of my manhood. There was nothing dazzling in his character, or shining in action, but his march through life was that of probity, honor, and virtue! He was characterized by a strong and noble mind; by generous and godlike feelings; by a kindness and simplicity of manner, and by a love and indulgence for his fellow men, which won the admiration and esteem of all who knew him. It might with truth be said of him, that he was without fear and reproach. Such was the man forever! Peace to his ashes! and would to God it could have been so willed that they might have mingled with those of his fathers! I offer the following resolutions: The House having been informed of the death of William Lee Ball, a Representative from the State of Virginia, and being deeply sensible of the loss of a man whose public and private virtues endeared him to all who knew him, and, being desirous to render a just tribute of respect to his memory Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take order for superintending his funeral. Resolved, That the members of this House will testify their respect for the memory of William Lee Ball, by wearing crape on the left arm for the remainder of the session. Resolved, That the members will attend the funeral of the late William Lee Ball, to-morrow morning, at 12 o'clock. The resolves having been unanimously agreed to, the House adjourned. TUESDAY, March 2. The House met, and adjourned for the purpose the funeral of the late WILLIAM LEE BALL. of affording the members an opportunity to attend WEDNESDAY, March 3. Mr. McLANE, of Delaware, presented a memorial of the inhabitants of the town of New Castle, praying for an appropriation for the purpose of sinking an additional range of piers, for the security of the harbor of said town. Mr. LONGFELLOW presented a memorial of sundry merchants and underwriters in the town of Portland, in the State of Maine, praying remuneration for losses sustained by spoliations upon their lawful commerce, by French cruisers, between the years 1793 and 1800, or that their right to claim the same from the Government of France, may be restored to them.-Referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Mr. VAN RENSSELAER presented a memorial of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, containing the views of the said board upon the subject of the civilization and moral improvement, generally, of the Indian tribes within the limits of the territory of the United States, and stating, summarily, the proceedings which have been adopted by the said board, and by other boards, of different' denominations, as well as of measures now in progress, for the benefit of said Indians; the success of their efforts, hitherto made, and the encouraging prospects to the future; and soliciting such pecuniary aid from the Government of the United States, as, in the wisdom of Congress, it shall see fit to grant; which memorial was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs. as The SPEAKER presented a memorial of the General Assembly of the State of North Carolina, praying Congress to make provision for satisfying, out of the lands ceded by that State to the United States, such claims as have been adjudged valid |