APRIL, 1824. The Tariff Bill. H. of R. result, however, of every cause rather than her zone. Three hundred years ago Spain was rich protective system-of her ruinous and interminable wars; of the bitter blessings of legitimacy; of kings and courts and pensioners; and that allpervading and unceasing spirit of parade and expenditure, which, by the perversion of public opinion, is regarded as indispensable for throwing a becoming splendor round the altar and the throne; and sustaining, what Burke has absurdly denominated the grace and majesty of a great people! But, sir, the very fact that England has been enabled to accumulate her immense debt, and sustain herself under its tremendous pressure, appears to me to carry with it strong evidences of the extraordinary influences of her system upon the resources and wealth of nations. There are several facts which so strongly illustrate the results of her restrictive system, that I must be permitted to present them to the House. The revenue of England has amounted, in a single year, the Speaker has informed us, to four hundred millions of dollars! An unprecedented fact in financial history. Again, sir. The annual interest of the English national debt amounts, at present, to between one hundred and fifty and one hundred and sixty millions of dollars! a sum greatly exceeding the whole interest and principal of the national debt of this country; and which, moreover, is sufficient to provide for, and maintain comfortably at one great public table, the entire population of the United Kingdom forever! But, sir, there is another fact which exhibits the resources and wealth of England to an extent still more unprecedented and extraordinary. In 1798, when the genius of the modern Cæsar was carrying the victorious arms of the French Republic over Europe; at a moment when the excessive loaning system of Pitt had excited dismay and consternation throughout the moneyed circles, and the Kingdom itself seemed tottering upon the brink, if not of revolution, at least of some great convulsion-at this moment, I say, of universal despondency, the idea was conceived that the attitude of the nation might still be preserved, and the vast expenditures of the war successfully met by additional impositions upon the revenue and income of the people of England, or, in the language of the Exchequer, by creating the supplies within the year. The idea was adopted; England was thrown upon her own resources; and, in less than twenty-three years, in addition to the loans and the ordinary war taxes of the Kingdom, already carried to the supposed maximum of possible payment or endurance, upwards of three thousand millions of dollars were realized from the internal revenues of the Kingdom; a sum largely transcending the entire wealth dug, for ages past, from all the mines of all the world. A single remark more in relation to England. Contrast her situation, for a moment, with any other country that has pursued an opposite commercial system-with Spain, for example. England is, naturally, the land of mist and gloom; a comparatively barren island in the Northern ocean: Spain, the most delightful region in the temperate and powerful-so much for the industry of the Saracens: England, poor and resourceless. About this period, they exchanged commercial systems, or rather, they adopted new ones; and the result, after the lapse of three centuries, is before the world. England sways a sceptre, compared with which, the power of the Roman Caesars shrinks to nothing. But Spain-sir, it would be as possible to give form and stature, and flesh and blood, to the ashes of her ancient kings, as to extort, by any possible means of legislation, from the entire population of the Spanish monarchy, the ordinary revenue of England for a single year. And yet, sir, such is the result, the splendid, the magnificent, the almost inconceivable result, of a system which is so bitterly denounced, even in its least exceptionable parts, in its application to this country! I will detain the House but a few moments longer. But, before I take my seat, I must be permitted to express my surprise and regret at the extraordinary excitement which the system under consideration has produced. It embraces no monopoly. On the contrary, there is not an article which it purports to protect, which time alone, unaided and unprotected, would not establish. No, sir. The policy of this bill, I mean the policy of efficient protection to the great objects of our industry, is no sickly exotic, whose miserable existence can only be sustained by unceasing nurture and protection, but the hardy native plant that, unassisted, attains slowly to maturity, but which strikes its roots deeply, and extends its branches loftily in proportion to the care and protection which we award to it. The adversaries of the bill affect to regard it as a question, whether we shall, or shall not become, a manufacturing people. This is not the question. We are already a manufacturing people; the greatest, with the exception of France and England, in the world-at least in the Christian world. We manufacture, by computation, from one hundred to one hundred and fifty millions of dollars worth of fabrics-similar articles of which we imported, or the greater part of which we imported, before and since the Revolution, from England, France, and Holland. The monuments of our dependence upon the old world, are yet every where visible. Within our immediate vision stands a house (and such houses are found in all the Atlantic States,) built of imported materials, and constructed probably-for in many instances houses were so constructed-by European artificers. The progress indeed which we have made in every department of useful industry is unexampled. And if gentlemen would but look back and observe what we have accomplished for the last thirty years, by means of our own unassisted energies; and then look forward for the same period, and reflect upon what these energies-stimulated and sustained by protective laws, and operating on the rapid development of our internal wealth and resources, may and must accomplish, a single glance at the brilliant prospect would be sufficient at least should be suf ficient to remove all doubts-to extinguish all apprehensions, in relation to the policy under consideration. But I despair of being able to direct the attention of gentlemen either to the past or the future. They are so deeply interested with the present moment, in combatting the shadows-the Gorgons and Chimeras, which imagination has conjured up from this bill, that both precedent and prospect are alike lost upon them. But the bill is further denounced as a novel project as a vast and wanton experiment—as a bill containing new and extraordinary principles. Sir, it is neither project nor experiment. It contains no new nor uncommon principles. APRIL, 1824. ernment will protect their rights.-Referred to the Committee of the whole House on the state of the Union. The SPEAKER also presented a petition, signed by Thomas Law, Walter Jones, and Elias B. Caldwell, a committee appointed at a public meeting of the citizens of Washington, praying the attention of Congress to the pecuniary embarrassment of the country, and the establishment of a national paper currency, as best calculated to remedy the evil.-Referred to the Committee of Ways and Means. diciary, reported a bill to divide the district of Mr. WEBSTER, from the Committee on the JuKentucky into two judicial districts; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole. Mr. RICH, from the Committee of Claims, made a report on the petition of John Mitchell, accompanied with a bill for his relief; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole. Bills from the Senate, of the following titles, viz: 1st. An act for the relief of Hezekiah Langley and Benjamin M. Belt; Its principles, indeed, are as ancient as history; and have been incorporated into the policy of every nation, distinguished for success in commerce or the arts. A novel project! Sir, it is the policy we combat-the unrestrictive system of modern economists, the dissolution of all tariffs which is the real novelty of the day. A system On motion of Mr. GURLEY, the Committee on captivating in theory, but totally inapplicable to Public Lands were instructed to inquire into the the present state and temper of the commercial expediency of relinquishing to the parish of West world. The age of free commerce, like the mille- Baton Rouge, in Louisiana, the title of the United nium of Patmos, the reign of universal peace, is States to a tract of land containing about eight evidently reserved for times less stern than ours. acres front on the Mississippi, for the purpose of The temple of Janus, we may confidently pre-making and keeping in repair a levee on said land. dict, will be closed for the last time, and forever, among men, before its revolutions commence. But to close my remarks-What sir, is the real nature of the bill before us? of this "fearful, frightful bill?" of this "stamp act measure?" which is to be the precursor, if we are to credit the honorable gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. RANDOLPH,) who immediately preceded me, of rebellion and revolution? of this "fire-brand," which is about to be thrown (not indeed into the Ottoman empire but) into a region of spirits infinitely more fiery and formidable than Turk or Greek-the South? What I demand is the real nature the pervading spirit-the grand design of the bill before us? Sir, the full front and face of its offending, is this, and simply this, to secure to American industry, by a liberal, progressive, and protective tariff, the monopoly of our own resources of that vast manufacturing material, which nature, in her munificence, has every where created around us, in immeasurable abundance. I have nothing further to add, but to thank the House for its indulgence, and apologize for having trespassed so long upon its time. 2d. An act for the relief of Thadeus Mayhew; 3d. An act for the relief of Ichabod Lord Skinner; 4th. An act to alter the times of holding the district court in the district of Missouri; 5th. An act for the relief of Thomas Hewes; were, severally, read the first and second time, and referred; the 1st, to the Committee of Claims; the 2d, to the Committee of Claims; the 3d, to the Committee on Roads and Canals; the 4th, to the Committee on the Judiciary; and the 5th, to the Committee of Ways and Means. A Message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have passed bills of the following titles, to vit: "An act for enclosing the burial ground of Christ Church, Washington parish;" "An act to provide for the sale of the warehouse at the former quarantine ground, near the English Turn, in the State of Louisiana, and for the erection of a dwelling house at the Balize, in the said State, for the use of the boarding officer at that place, and for other purposes;" "An act supplementary to an act of Congress, passed on the 30th day of June, 1812, entitled 'An act making The SPEAKER presented a memorial of John further provision for settling the claims to land in Ross, George Lowrey, Major Ridge, and Elijah the Territory of Missouri ;"""An act for the relief Hicks, delegates from the Cherokee nation of In- of Elijah Van Syckel, of Philadelphia ;" and "An dians, representing the unwillingness of the Cher-act for the relief of Thomas Shields;" in which okees to abandon the territory upon which they bills the Senate ask the concurrence of this now reside, declaring their determination to pur- House. sue peaceably, agriculture, manufactures, and the Three Messages were received from the PRESImechanic arts, and praying that the General Gov-DENT OF THE UNITED STATES, to wit: FRIDAY, April 16. APRIL, 1824. FIRST. Claim of Daniel D. Tompkins. H OF R. her tackle, apparel, furniture, provisions and cargo, on board thereof, shall be forfeited. And any citizen, or other person resident as aforesaid, who shall voluntarily serve on board such ship or vessel, or shall sail on board thereof, knowing the same to be intended to be employed in the slave trade, or in the transportation of slaves as aforesaid, shall, on conviction, be liable to be punished by fine not exceeding three thousand dollars, and by imprisonment not exceeding five years. SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained shall be construed to affect, or in any wise repeal, any acts hitherto passed for the pro The Message and report were laid upon the hibition or suppression of the slave trade; but the same table. SECOND. To the House of Representatives of the United States: In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 8th of April, requesting information whether the 5th section of the act of the 3d March, 1803, relating to a township of land, lying within John Cleve Symmes' patent, had been executed, and, if not, what reasons had prevented it, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, which af fords the information desired. APRIL 16, 1824. JAMES MONROE. acts, and every clause thereof, shall remain in full force, in the same manner as if this act had not been made. CLAIM OF DANIEL D. TOMPKINS. The report of the Committee of Ways and Means, on the claim of D. D. TOMPKINS, which, day or two ago, was taken up. on motion of Mr. COCKE, was laid on the table a Mr. COCKE then moved to recommit the report to the Committee of Ways and Means, with instructions to report a bill. This motion he grounded on the fact that, to agree to the report of the committee, would only leave the matter where it The Message and report were laid upon the was before. He proceeded to examine, in detail, table. the report of the committee, in part of which he said he cordially acquiesced, being willing to make every just, and even liberal allowance to this individual, and in other particulars of which he was of opinion the Government was not bound to make to Governor Tompkins any indemnification whatever. He specified the sort of allowances which he was disposed to make, and those to which he objected. He concluded his observations, by moving the instructions to the Committee of Ways and Means to report a bill, viz: "Ist. To authorize an allowance of interest on all moneys advanced by Daniel D. Tompkins on account of the United States, from the time of making the advances until its repayment. "2d. To provide indemnity for actual losses sustained by him in consequence of the United States failing to furnish him with money and Treasury notes within the time stipulated, and on account of which failure the losses were sustained." Mr. GoVAN, from the committee to which was referred so much of the President's Message as Mr. FLOYD, of Virginia, made a few remarks relates to the suppression of the African slave expressive of his opinion, that the most liberal adtrade, reported a bill respecting the slave trade; justment of the accounts of this officer should be which was read twice, and committed to a Com-made. He would not only settle his accounts mittee of the Whole. The bill is as follows: Be it enacted, &c., That, from and after the passing of this law, if any citizen of the United States, or any person resident therein, shall, in any port or place whatsoever, build, or in any respect fit, equip, man, load, or otherwise prepare, or cause to be prepared, or in any respect fitted, equipped, manned, or otherwise prepared, or be in any respect concerned in equipping, manning, or preparing any ship or vessel, for the purpose of being employed in the slave trade, or in the transportation of slaves from any foreign port or place to any foreign port or place whatsoever, for the purpose aforesaid, every such citizen or other person, so offending, shall, on conviction, be punished by fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, and by imprisonment not exceeding seven years; and such ship or vessel, liberally, he said, but, if within the powers of this House, he would vote him from the national funds any reasonable amount of compensation besides, for the eminent services he has rendered his country. This country must be reduced low, indeed, if it was not disposed to remunerate such services as his. Such a man as Daniel D. Tompkins was not always to be found when wanted. The virtue and integrity of that man led mainly to the fortunate termination of the war with Great Britain. He would not trammel the settlement of his accounts with the same checks and restrictions as are required upon the settlement of the accounts of a disbursing officer, acting under prescribed rules; for, when the United States had no credit, that individual had not spared his own-at a time, too, when, as our fleets were endeavoring to get to sea, there were men, in a neighboring State, who showed blue lights as a signal to the enemy. The destinies of this nation were, in a manner, in the hands of that man, and his patriotism and virtue saved us from disgrace and defeat, &c. Mr. McLANE suggested to the gentleman from Tennessee the propriety of a recommitment, with less limited instructions. Mr. COCKE professed a desire to do every thing that justice should dictate to Governor Tompkins, and any modification of the instructions, compatible with that view of the subject, he was willing to assent to. Mr. McLANE then expressed his views of this subject. He considered it unfortunate that the subject had been again brought before the House, and was averse to a recommitment of it now, because it was at too late a period of the session to take up the subject de novo, and act upon it. He then stated what was the particular situation of the accounts of this gentleman, adverting to the act of Congress passed at the last session, and the principles of the report of the select committee on which that act was founded. At that time, he suggested, the subject of these accounts underwent an elaborate discussion. The question, whether or not it was proper to make an equitable settlement of the claims of Governor Tompkins, was then decided in the affirmative. If the House were now to undertake to resettle these claims, he did not know when any settlement of a principle by this House was to be considered conclusive. There must be some end to questions of this sort, and he was desirous that the same weight should be given to decisions on questions of right by Congress, as if the same decisions had been made in a court of justice. On the question of commissions, for which the President was disposed to make a liberal allowance to Governor Tompkins, and which the accounting officers were disposed to allow, on the principles usual in the settlement of ordinary accounts, Mr. McL. said, that Mr. Tompkins had procured for the Government, during the war, loans of money for the use of the Government to the amount of one million eight hundred thousand dollars, and had also disbursed those funds; and, without the aid which it thus received from this individual, every one must know that the operations of the war would have been exceedingly embarrassed. For this service, of borrowing and disbursement, it was proposed to allow him a commission of five per cent., which would make an amount of about $95,000. And of this amount, Mr. McL. said, there was a sum of $460,000, for which the Government had agreed to send to the Vice President Treasury notes to take up the personal notes which he had given for it. But the Treasury notes did not arrive until his own notes had become due and been protested, by which his credit was destroyed, to which, in a great degree, all the subsequent losses and misfortunes of this gentleman were to be attributed. The Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. McL. said, did not wish to reinvestigate this case, or they would have been APRIL, 1824. disposed to recommend a more liberal allowance than was proposed. If instructed, however, by the House, it would be their duty to take it into consideration. He replied to some other suggestions of Mr. COCKE, as to the nature of the services rendered by Mr. Tompkins in the capacity of a Major General. If the gentleman had had an opportunity of becoming fully acquainted with the facts on the subject, he would have learned that his services, in that capacity, had been of great importance. On one occasion he had left his family, then in a deplorable situation, and departed in the night for the frontier, where he called forth the militia, and at that moment saved the country. The Committee of Ways and Means, he added, would have acceded to the propositions of the Vice President, in regard to the difference which now exists between him and the Government, if they had not considered the law of the last session so broad as to make any further legislation on the subject unnecessary. Mr. HAMILTON rose to testify to the fact of the Vice President having exercised military command during the war, which was within his personal knowledge. The question was then taken on Mr. COCKE'S motion, and decided in the negative by a large majority. And the question was then taken on the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, referring the subject back to the final decision of the President, and decided in the affirmative, without a division. THE TARIFF BILL. The House then resumed the consideration of the bill for the revision of the several acts laying duties upon imports-the question being on Mr. RANDOLPH's motion for the indefinite postponement of the bill. Mr. MCDUFFIE rose and said, the unsolicited indulgence of the House, to which he was indebted for the opportunity of presenting his views on this interesting subject to-day, instead of being compelled to perform that duty yesterday, under the fatigue and exhaustion of a long sitting, had laid him under obligations of which he was profoundly sensible. The only return, however, said Mr. McD., which I can promise, for the kindness thus shown to me, is the brevity of the remarks which I propose to offer. At so late a stage of this already protracted discussion, I cannot flatter myself with the expectation that I shall interest the attention of the House by the novelty of my arguments, but must be content to indulge the hope that I may not exhaust its patience by their prolixity. During the progress of this debate upon the various questions which have arisen upon the details of the bill, I have studiously avoided entering into the consideration of the general principles and policy of the protecting system. And I have done so in compliance with this general rule, by which I have determined to regulate my conduct, so long as I have the honor of a seat upon this floor, never to consume the time of the House by discussing any question which is not distinctly be APRIL, 1824. The Tariff Bill. H. of R. tions shall be confined to a practical examination of the question, in reference to the actual state of things in this country, assuming, as a basis, a few palpable and obvious principles, which have long ceased to be questionable in the estimation of the most enlightened philosophers and statesmen of Europe. fore it for consideration. I have the less cause to regret having thus abstained on the present occasion, because it is now obvious that the subject has assumed more than its usual interest, as well from the crisis at which we have arrived, as from the peculiar circumstances under which the question is now presented to us. In all the various stages of our proceedings, we have still had before Whilst, sir, on the one hand I unequivocally us the opportunity of reviewing our work. But the deny, what is maintained by some, that manufacquestion being now on the passage of the bill, what- turing industry is, in itself, more profitable than ever decision we shall make upon it, will be, as to agricultural or commercial, I distinctly disclaim us, final and irrevocable. And we are called upon the notion, maintained by others, that the pursuits to give this final sanction to the measure, with the of agriculture are more profitable than those of fact clearly ascertained, that it cannot be adopted manufacture or commerce. All such notions are but by a very small majority. Waiving, for a utterly erroneous and visionary, and are founded moment, any inquiry into the policy of protecting upon a misconception of what it is that constidomestic manufactures, I put it to gentlemen to tutes wealth, and of the principles which regulate say whether prudence does not dictate, even to the the distribution of capital and labor. What is most firm and independent statesman, that a mea-wealth? The wealth of a nation consists in the sure laying very heavy burdens upon the whole abundance of those articles which administer to community-a measure which, however we may the necessities, the comforts, and the luxuries of speculate upon the subject, the people must sensi-life, according to the existing habits of society. bly feel a measure which has already produced, It results from this, that a combination of the in some parts of the Union, the most intense ex- products of agriculture and of manufacture is escitement, ought to be adopted with a bare majority sential to the wealth of a civilized community, of the national representatives in its favor? Sir, such as exists in the United States. With the most a Government emanating from the people, and re- unlimited abundance of the products of agriculsponsible to public opinion, ought not to be indif- ture, we should be poor without the products of ferent to this prudential consideration. I do not art; and with an equal abundance of manufacprofess to be minutely acquainted with the Parlia-tures, we should perish without the productions of mentary history of Great Britain; but I hazard the soil. It is conceded, on all hands, that we little in asserting that no British Minister, in the abound in articles of the latter description; and height of his ascendency, would venture to pass the only question to be debated is, how can we even a tax bill for the public service, to the extent most advantageously obtain the former? Shall of this, with a majority so small as that which has we fabricate them ourselves or import them from ordered this bill to its third reading. abroad? To the common understanding of manThis measure, all agree, is part of a system in- kind, it would seem to be a self-evident proposition tended to produce a great and fundamental change that the cheapest mode of obtaining them is that in the policy of the country-a change, to be ef- which a nation ought to pursue, as it is certainly fected by disturbing the relations which now ex- that which individuals would pursne, with a view ist between the different portions of the Union to the promotion of their own interest. But here and the different classes of society. That such a we are met with the argument that commerce is change as this can be produced by legal regula- a barren and unproductive pursuit. A very few tions, operating, of necessity, as a tax upon the remarks will serve to refute this notion, which, people, without exciting a strong feeling of popu- when examined, will be found to be a mere verlar discontent, not to say indignation, is an ex- bal proposition. It is true that commerce does not pectation which gentlemen delude themselves if produce either the one or the other of the elements they indulge. An acute and lively sensibility to of wealth, but it communicates value to both. every invasion, by Government, of the rights of Without commerce the surplus production, both property, is one of the strongest characteristics of of individuals and nations, would be utterly valuefreedom in modern times; and there is no people less. Of what value, for example, are the surplus on earth more distinguished for it than the citi-productions of the manufactories of Manchester zens of the United States. I therefore submit it, and Birmingham, either to us or to those who respectfully, to the consideration of the friends of produce them, until, by the agency of commerce, the manufacturing interest themselves, whether they are brought to our stores and distributed to there is not serious danger that a measure of this the consumers? It would be precisely as correct character, enacted by a lean majority, will pro- to say that their entire value is derived from comduce a reaction among the people, which may re-merce, as to maintain that its operations are unsult in the entire prostration of the system they are so anxious to foster and extend. In soliciting the attention of the House to a very brief examination of the policy of this measure, it is far from my intention to enter into a formal dissertation upon the general principles of political economy. This is neither the place nor the occasion for such dissertations. My observa18th CoN. 1st SESS.-76. productive. Either proposition would be equally absurd. While, therefore, I view any proposition, which asserts the superior productiveness of one of the great divisions of human industry over the others, as being not only erroneous, but absolutely unmeaning and unintelligible, I admit that the wealth of a community depends upon the maintenance of a due proportion between them. And |