and never permitted himself to fly unless he found that he was flawless in nerves and physical fitness.

SOME RECENT AIR EXPLOITS

By the spirit and prowess of such air pilots as Fonck and Trollope may be judged the spirit and, in many cases, the prowess of the many hundreds of fliers fighting in the air on the side of the Allies.

And their spirit has made them victors time and time again. We have still much to do before we can overwhelm Germany in the air. In the meantime it is worth recording that one thousand German airplanes have been destroyed on the French and British fronts during the past two months, according to an official announcement of the British Government; and according to French newspapers it seems that the number of enemy airplanes actually brought down is much larger.

On May 22, just before the Germans began their third great offensive, British airmen dropped twelve hundred bombs from airplanes upon the German airdromes at Ghent and Tournai, Bapaume and Bray. During that same night an expedition of airplanes from the British lines flew to Mannheim, a hundred miles distant, and dropped two tons of bombs on the huge factories there in which chloride gas was manufactured; and a later expedition found those gas factories reduced to blackened ruins.

Some German papers are boastful about the German air service and mimimize what the French and English have done. But the "Frankfurter Zeitung," as quoted in the London "Aeroplane," says, rather pathetically: "Our little Germany has not been able to keep ahead of the biggest and richest countries in the world, and perhaps shall never reach their output of airplanes, whether America increases it or leaves them in the lurch." Germany need not disturb herself. America is not going to leave her allies in the lurch. On the contrary, she is doing her best to make up for the lost time and expects to be some time princeps inter pares.

THE ANTI-AMERICAN SUBMARINE CAMPAIGN

For several days following June 5 there was complete inaction on the part of the German submarines in American waters. It was generally surmised that they had returned whence they came. But on June 10 came the news that a Brazilian steamship, the Pinar del Rio, had been sunk by submarine gunfire seventy miles off the Maryland coast. The one new and notable thing about this attack was the statement, attributed to the crew of this ship, that the submarine was accompanied by a "mother ship," a vessel of about 6,000 tons, painted gray. The fact is certainly important, if true; but it is so inherently improbable that such a ship should have escaped the American war-vessels which have been crisscrossing this very part of the ocean ever since the first rumor of a submarine appeared that our naval authorities at Washington are inclined to discredit the reports.

In the nine days following the first appearance of the raiders off our coast no transport leaving our ports was attacked by a submarine, or saw a submarine, so far as credibly reported. It looked as if the submarines were purposely avoiding transports and their convoys and confining themselves to the less dangerous game of sinking sailing vessels and an occasional coast steamer. Our troop-ships move as usual-if anything, more numerously than usual. If there has been any feeling that our home waters have not been guarded, it has been dispelled by the statements of Secretary Daniels and others. So, too, the suspicion that the submarines have a base on this side of the water has lessened, for it is stated that for months our smaller naval craft have searched every inlet and every bay. Possibly there may be such a base south of Panama, but naval opinion leans to the belief that the submarines come from the other side, and that they must return there as their supplies give out.

A new statement by the Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt, expands his view quoted last week. He believes that the object of this submarine campaign is, first, to frighten us, and, secondly, to induce us to withdraw de

stroyers from the other side. This, he points out, would be to play directly into German hands, and, moreover, it is not at all necessary. The Navy Department can and will protect our coastwise shipping without weakening our effective anti-submarine operations on the other side of the ocean. Moreover, he says, it is not probable that Germany means to attack transports on this side, for her opportunities in this direction are advantageous on the other side. The destruction of a few small coastwise vessels is a contemptible result, from the naval point of view, of that boasted submarine campaign which was to have swept British and American commerce and communication off the ocean long ago.

HONOR TO THE AMERICAN MARINES

The Marine Corps has finely maintained its established reputation for vigor and valor. The attacks and advances it has made are in conjunction with French forces, but, as we understand it, fighting in its own regiments, and they have proved the most important service so far rendered by Americans at the front.

This battle is the third in which American soldiers have won high praise from the commanders in France and well-merited congratulations from the American people. Seicheprey saw Americans resisting heroically an extensive German raid and driving the enemy, back to his lines with heavy loss; Cantigny is memorable because there, first, American forces drove a somewhat extended raid into the enemy's line, captured a town and took prisoners-all on their own initiative and with the support of American artillery; but the advance of the Marines was on a wider front, penetrated deeply (considering that it was, in a way, a minor offensive), and took and held several villages and towns. It was not the only point of attack by Americans on the Marne sector. A successful drive was also made at Jaulgonne, to the northeast of Château Thierry. In the fighting northwest of Château Thierry the main points of attack have been the towns of Veuilly-la-Poterie and Bouresches and the woods of Belleau. This section is of vital importance because of its nearness to the road of advance toward Paris. The Marines and their French comrades not only pushed forward some two or three miles on a front of six miles and captured half a dozen or more villages and points of vantage, but they withstood German counter-attacks and regained positions temporarily lost in such attacks. On June 11, for instance, we read of a heavy enemy attack resisted in the vicinity of Bouresches, and of an advance of two-thirds of a mile on a sixhundred-yard front in the Belleau Wood.

More than anything else this steady, persistent fighting has strengthened the confidence of our allies in the value and quality of the American soldiers. All the more, accordingly, will rejoicing be evinced both in France and America at Secretary Baker's statement last week that 700,000 American soldiers have now been despatched abroad. It is understood that over 200,000 went in the month of May alone. A press despatch also states that, according to figures furnished by the War Department, there will be by the end of this month called to the colors or previously enrolled 2,319,870 men. The War Department hopes and expects that at the present rate of movement about a million men altogether will have been sent abroad by the end of July, and perhaps a quarter of a million more before December. Naturally, the increase in our forces and the active American participation in the war are enlarging our casualty list. On June 11 the total of losses abroad was 7,389; of this number 1,461 were killed in action or died of wounds, 1,193 died of disease, and 4,009 were wounded in action.

THE FOURTH GERMAN DRIVE

The new German offensive began on June 9. Its front of about eighteen miles extended between Montdidier eastward and a little southward to Noyon-in other words, it attacked that portion of the Allies' line which runs nearly east and west from the great curve of which Montdidier is the pivot. A glance at the map on the next page will show that a success here would, in conjunction with the gains made by the Germans on their third drive (that to the Marne), aid in any general advance

toward Paris or toward the Channel and would weaken the Allies by reducing their salient. This aid would be more valuable because it would open up the possibility of an advance along the valley of the Oise.

Up to the third day of the new drive the gains made by the German forces were small and were earned at a tremendous sacrifice of men and material. Evidently the Allies had ample reserves behind their first line. Whether the advance is to be solidly blocked or not will probably be known when this is read. A French correspondent, telegraphing from the front on June 10, stated that, while the enemy had advanced a short distance in the center, he was held at the wings in spite of persistent and reckless attempts to advance. The same correspondent states that the enemy had about twenty divisions (about 250,000 men) in his attacking line; that the enemy was advancing "painfully, yard by yard, paying the full price for every step." On June 11 the Germans occupied Ribecourt.

THE DRAFT

The registration for military service on June 5, 1918, of the young Americans who have reached the age of twenty-one since June 5, 1917, was attended by the order which marked the enrolling a year ago of ten million men. From the reports of the 4,500 local boards all over the country, it is estimated that some 750,000 men should be fitted for active duty from the new registration.

The recent Act of Congress requires that the new registrants shall be placed at the bottom of the class to which they are assigned. Despite this, many of them may soon be called to the colors. The new requisitions upon Governors may exhaust the registrants in Class 1 in some States.

This is believed to have been the reason why Arizona was not included in the call on June 5 from Provost-Marshal General Crowder to the Governors of the States for the mobilization between June 24 and June 28 of 200,000 more registrants. This was in addition to 40,000 Negroes called on the same day from twenty States.

On June 7 General Crowder began a general revision of classifications under the Draft Act. He telegraphed to the Governors of all the States ordering investigations to determine

the reasons for the small number of registrants in Class 1 in some localities. Some have fallen as low as ten per cent. The National average is nearly twenty-nine per cent. Thousands of men, it is said, now in Class 4 should be put in Classes 1 and 2.

THE KAISER'S RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WAR

Prince Lichnowsky's revelations went far to show, not only that Germany was responsible for the war, but that the Kaiser personally, angered as he was by his forced moral retreat in the Moroccan affair, was bent on pushing Austrian and German demands to the limit when he well knew that the limit spelled war. This view has been confirmed by the remarkable study of the Kaiser's temperament and egotism made by Dr. David Jayne Hill in magazine articles. Now it is again confirmed by a new and more complete statement from Dr. Wilhelm Mühlon, himself a German, and formerly director of the great Krupp works.

Dr. Mühlon declares that the war was made necessary by the Kaiser's personal military policy and his secret personal agreement with Austria, under which he gave Austria carte blanche as to Serbia and approved Austria's demands on Serbia without knowing how they were worded.

Another interesting point brought out in this document is one which Dr. Mühlon, as head of the Krupp works, knew all about. The Krupps were making guns for Belgium, and Belgium declined to take the guns over when they were actually ready, asking for delay and offering to pay for storage because the Antwerp defenses, for which the guns were intended, were not ready to receive them. This shows conclusively that Belgium believed Germany's expressions of amity, trusted in Germany's pledged word, and had no hint of Germany's purpose to move on France through Belgium. The Germans promptly seized these guns when war broke out, and, for aught we know, may have turned them against the brave Belgians themselves.

THE GERMANIC SCHEME FOR A ROMAN
EMPIRE IN EUROPE

A permanent economic and military union between Germany and Austria-Hungary," with the gradual disappearance of

customs duties and frontiers," has been proposed by Friedrich von Payer, German Imperial Vice-Chancellor, in a statement published in German and Austrian papers and telegraphed from Amsterdam in press despatches to this country.

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The statement far outruns any mere alliance between Germany and Austria-Hungary. Its Greater Germany includes the Mittel-Europa scheme, which comprises Bulgaria and Turkey, and it goes still further, for it also includes Russia and Poland. The Vice-Chancellor's plan would seem to be fairly elastic, for he speaks of "the northern border states "the military followers of Germany." He probably means the Russian northern and western border states-Finland, Esthonia, Livonia, Courland, Lithuania-but it is not without the bounds of possibility that he may also have in mind the northern border states of Germany proper.

This union, as sketched, should be no loose-jointed affair, according to the Vice-Chancellor's view. "The union must be so intimate that the idea of separation practically would be out of the question."

The union is unavoidable, in Herr von Payer's opinion, because all these lands form a great region of intercourse with uniform interests. Hence with the gradual disappearance of customs duties and frontiers there must come a unification of economic legislation, especially trade and industrial tariffs and the care of labor. Moreover, he adds:

Certain forms of indirect taxation must be outlined similarly, and railways, waterways, and other means of communication must be made to serve the common interests.

Such co-operation, however, is only to be thought of in conjunction with the maintenance of the political independence of the empires concerned, while mutual consideration and united action in connection with questions of foreign policy are

necessary.

Thus we see injected a common foreign policy also. This will help Germany's control over her "military followers." As to military following, the writer declares:

The experiences of the present war have shown what similar training in arming, equipment, and supply system mean in facilitating the conduct of a war, and what difficulties their absence has entailed. The military authorities would easily come to an understanding of what is necessary in this direction.

In all this the Vice-Chancellor looks forward to a very near future when, as he thinks, France will be "weakened to such a degree as she appears to-day to have no idea of; when Czaristic Russia can be neither a menace to her enemies nor a protection for political states which play the rôle of intriguers. This Teutonic union once effected, the peace of Europe would be in its hands, affirms Herr von Payer, and adds that it "will be in good hands."

The mask is off. For the first time, so far as we know, a man in exalted official station has espoused the Pan-Germanic programme for the domination of Europe. To withstand the PanGermanic plan of an Empire solidified by force the Allies must present an opposition made strong and united by common faith in the ideals for which they are fighting.

"STANDING BY RUSSIA "

Recently President Wilson proclaimed that he would "stand by Russia as by France." But if we refrain from intervention in Russia can we stand by Russia at all? Mr. Caspar Whitney, telegraphing from Paris to the New York "Tribune,' adds his voice of warning to the many which have been raised during the past four months, or ever since General Semenoff, commanding the Cossacks in Siberia, called for Allied intervention.

Intervention need not be military. It may be economic. But it might be both. There is no question about the fact that it is a plain duty, not only of humanity, but to the interests of America, England, France, and Italy, as well as to those of Japan and China, to extend to the Russian people all substantial practical assistance possible to help them in their hour of need. We labor under three delusions concerning Russia, affirms Mr. Whitney: first, that Russia is a nation, whereas she has become a chaos of little groups; second, that a spiritual uprising against Germany is likely, whereas the country is "soak

ing" in German prestige; third, that there is hatred of Germany among the better-class Russians, whereas the governing class, bureaucrats and shopkeepers, believe the Allies to be weak and Germany the only power to bring order out of anarchy.

As to Siberia, the inhabitants, about thirty millions, are "pioneer people," greatly superior in spirit and education to those of Russia proper. They would welcome deliverance from both the German and Bolshevik menace.

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Deliverance can come from an Allied force working with Japan or from Japan alone. "Yet over this question we delay, while Germany continues daily to fasten her tentacles upon Russia. Japan has been flouted by the Allies in this particular matter." And yet "Japan may be forced by a strong national movement to interfere, even without a mandate from the Allies. No country can live with a revolution at its door." Furthermore, there are now interned in Siberia German civilians, former commercial agents and electrical engineers, all of whom are German reserve officers, whose release through German or Bolshevik influences or advance would turn loose in Siberia an enemy organizing force of undoubted ability and animus, which could speedily make a formidable army out of the hundreds of thousands of Austrian prisoners also in Siberia." We must abandon theorizing for practical effort, Mr. Whitney well declares:

The practical thing this moment, all who have real knowledge gained through years of residence in Russia and Siberia agree, is to send combined economic and military expeditions to Vladivostok and Dalny, taking tools for men to work with and the necessaries of life.

We must either risk opposition to the Bolsheviki and save Siberia, and through Siberia Russia, by intervention, or we must risk certain loss in Siberia and the great Allied stores in order to gain approval of the Bolsheviki. If, for fear of offending the Bolsheviki, we stay out, Germany wins Russia, Siberia, and perhaps Japan. If we go in, we may lose the Bolsheviki, but we will save Siberia, beat Germany, and stand by Russia. Under pretense of keeping on good terms with the Bolsheviki, we would have delivered Russia to Germany and lost our ally Japan. Let us "stand by Russia" in deed as in word.

ORGANIZED LABOR PLEDGED TO WIN THE WAR

The American Federation of Labor, consisting of the principal labor unions of the country, began its annual Convention at St. Paul, Minnesota, last week. Its first session showed, what has been shown before, that organized labor in this country is one of the very greatest factors in the power of democracy with which Germany will have to reckon.

The Federation's Executive Council presented a report which in its spirit is broad and statesmanlike. It emphasized as the chief duty of labor (in common with every other element in the country) the winning of the war. While the Council set forth policies and principles to be kept in mind for the future-such as an international eight-hour day, an international child labor regulation, provisions for a more equitable distribution of the wealth labor helps to create, insurance against avoidable unemployment, and participation by labor in actual control of industries-it declares that labor is tempering its powers in order that energy may be directed to victory in this war, so that no man can say that the labor movement was unresponsive in the hour of need. It declares that it is confident of fair treatment at the hands of the Administration, and it pays a tribute to President Wilson's interpretation of the spirit. of democracy and humanity.

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As workers are a part of the fighting force and cannot stop work without interfering with the whole programme, it recommends a non-strike rule, and urges that no strike should be inaugurated which cannot be justified to the man risking his life on the firing line in France." It goes further, and says that no action should be taken in the shops or on the field not in harmony with the purposes of the war." It calls upon employers, on their side, "to inaugurate no industrial policy which cannot be justified to the man who is risking his life on the firing line," and "to do everything within their power to maintain continuous production, to endeavor to adjust all grievances of

employees, to establish and maintain equitable, humanitarian conditions of work."

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The spirit of the report of these representatives of organized wage-earners in America represents, we believe, the real spirit of the whole country. Few statements have equaled as the expression of that spirit the following words of these labor representatives: A crisis in world affairs has been reached. As a people imbued with the highest ideals of justice, the fact that the Allied armies have their backs to the wall fighting the minions of autocracy makes the present moment assume a ragged and dangerous front, and moves us to the solemn duties of selfexamination to determine whether we are doing our full part."

SHIPPING PROGRESS

Our Navy Department has established a new world record for rapid ship construction. The torpedo-boat destroyer Ward was launched on June 1, at the Mare Island Navy-Yard, San Francisco, seventeen and a half days after the keel was laid.

The previous record was established recently at Camden, New Jersey, when the 5,500-ton freighter Tuckahoe was launched twenty-seven days and three hours after the laying of the keel.

Two decades ago the first sixteen destroyers were authorized for the United States Navy. These were less than half the size of our present destroyers, and their average time from the laying of the keel to launching was about two years.

During the decade prior to the present war Congress authorized an average of five or six destroyers a year. Their average time on the ways was eleven months.

In making the latest destroyer record, it should be remembered, however, that much structural work was prepared in advance ready for erection before the keel was laid-that is to say, bulkheads, deck-houses, bridge structures, and sections of the keel and of the vessel's stem were riveted up ready for assembling in place on the ways.

Our record for May in ship production under the Federal Shipping Board reaches the total of over 194,000 gross tons, including requisitioned ships that were complete. This is far the best month this year. The figures of British production are now also available. They amount to over 197,000 gross tons. During the twelvemonth the British output has been almost twice that of the preceding twelvemonth. Writing in the London "Daily Telegraph," Mr. Archibald Hurd says: "We have almost reached the point where shipping construction in this country balances British shipping destruction by the enemy, but we have arrears of something like four million tons to make good.".

As between England and America, as soon as our new plants at Hog Island, Newark, and elsewhere fill their ways America should soon leave England astern. Mr. Hurd declares that a three-million-ton mark is unattainable in England because of unavailable labor and material. In this country, however, while the three-million-ton mark is not unattainable because of our superiority over England in ways, material, and numbers of workmen, it will require a great speeding up. The present lively competition in constructing ways, as well as in riveting, laying keels, and raising frames, makes men confident that the goal will be attained.

MR. HURLEY GIVES SOME SHIPPING FIGURES

On June 10 Edward N. Hurley, Chairman of the Federal Shipping Board, delivered an address at the commencement exercises of the University of Notre Dame, South Bend, Indiana, in which he discloses interesting present tonnage figures.

On the first of June of this year the Shipping Board had increased American-built tonnage to over 3,500,000 dead-weight tons of shipping-that is to say, from July 1, 1917, to June 1, 1918, there had been constructed in American shipyards a tonnage equal to the total output of American yards during the entire previous four years. It has also added 118 German and Austrian vessels, with a total dead-weight tonnage of over 730,000. It has requisitioned from the Dutch, under the President's order, 86 vessels, with a total dead-weight tonnage of more than 526,000. In addition, it has chartered from neutral countries 215 vessels,

with an aggregate dead-weight tonnage exceeding 953,000. This tonnage, together with the vessels which it has been obliged to leave in the coastwise and Great Lakes trade, gives us a total of more than 1,400 ships, with an approximate total dead-weight tonnage of 7,000,000 tons, all under the Shipping Board's control. In round numbers, said Mr. Hurley, and from all sources, we have added to the American flag since our war against Germany began nearly 4,500,000 tons of shipping.

Our programme calls for the building of 1,856 passenger, cargo, refrigerator ships and tankers ranging from 5,000 to 12,000 tons each, with an aggregate dead-weight tonnage of 13,000,000. The Board is also contracting for 200 wooden barges, 50 concrete barges, 100 concrete oil-carrying barges, and 150 steel, wood, and concrete tugs of 1,000 horse-power for ocean and harbor service, which aggregate a total deadweight tonnage of 850,000.

Exclusive of the above, we have 245 commandeered vessels, taken over from foreign and domestic owners, which are being completed by the Emergency Fleet Corporation acting under the Federal Shipping Board. These average 7,000 tons each, and aggregate a total dead-weight tonnage of 1,715,000.

This makes a total of 2,101 vessels, exclusive of tugs and barges, which the Fleet Corporation is building, with an aggregate dead-weight tonnage of 14,715,000 tons.

To finish the Board's programme for this year, 1919, and 1920 no less than $5,000,000,000 will be required. This will give America a merchant fleet aggregating 25,000,000 tons.

As to workers, there is to-day a force of some 300,000 men in the ship-building yards, and 250,000 engaged in allied trades. By 1920, so Mr. Hurley thinks, we could have close to a million men working on American merchant ships and their equipment.

Finally, as to the much-discussed total of tonnage for the present year's output, Mr. Hurley reports that the most liberal estimate of the output from all countries, except America, does not exceed 4,000,000 tons. As to the prediction of 3,000,000 tons for this country, both Mr. Hurley and Mr. Schwab, the Director-General of the Emergency Fleet Corporation, believe that the figures can be exceeded. This is what reasonable men believe possible; but every one must do his share if it is to be put through.

BEER AND LIGHT WINES

President Wilson and Food Administrator Hoover have come out strongly against the Randall Amendment adopted in the House of Representatives, providing that $6,000,000 of the money appropriated by the Food Emergency Bill be not expended unless the President shall first issue a proclamation prohibiting during the war the use of cereals and fruits in manufacturing beer and light wines.

In a letter to Senator Sheppard, of Texas, Mr. Hoover notes the provisions of the Food Act of August 10, 1917, for the operations in connection with the liquor trade-that is to say: The immediate stopping of the distillation of liquor. The commandeering of distilled spirits for redistillation so far as may be necessary to provide alcohol for munition requirements. The authority to regulate or stop the use of foodstuffs in the preparation of wines.

The authority to regulate or stop the use of foodstuffs in brewing beers.

Under the first authority distillation was stopped on September 10 throughout the country. Since then there has been no use of foodstuffs for this purpose. At that time there proved to be in stock somewhere between two and three years' supply of whisky, brandy, gin, etc. As the Act provides only for the stoppage of new supplies, this stock is in the course of distribution.

Under the second authority, it has not been found necessary to commandeer distilled spirits for redistillation into munitions alcohol. Commercial alcohol can be obtained, not only more abundantly, but on a much cheaper basis, than can be had from commandeering and redistilling potable spirits.

Under the third authority, the wines produced in this country are from grapes of which a very small proportion are available as table or raisin grapes, and therefore, as the stoppage of wine-making would add no consequential amount of food to our