proposal for a conference, for it doubtless would have meant a serious diplomatic defeat for us." And again: "The Morocco policy led to a political defeat. In the Bosnian crisis it had been fortunately avoided, just as at the London conference. A new diminution of our prestige in Europe and in the world could not be allowed."

This is why, in Herr von Jagow's view, Germany “had to recognize Austria's attack on Serbia as justified. It is why Sir Edward Grey's "love of peace and desire to come to an understanding" (we quote Herr von Jagow's words) came to naught. In view of the now universal recognition of England's moderation and honesty in trying to avoid war, it is literally ludicrous to recall the roars of rage at England's perfidy_and deep secret plot to ruin Germany which went up when the "Potsdam gang" found that England would not betray France and Belgium.

Furthermore, Herr von Jagow's defense is that the only way to save Germany's prestige was to try to localize the Serbian question-that is, if England and France could be cowed Germany thought that Russia would let Austria have her way in crushing Serbia. "The closer we would stand by Austria, the sooner Russia would yield," wrote Jagow to Lichnowsky. With the resulting Austrian dependence on Germany, the big bully who had kept off those nations that wished to prevent an international crime, " Mittel-Europa" would then have been an established fact!

Reading between the lines of Herr von Jagow's statement, one is more than ever convinced of the truth of Prince Lichnowsky's plain declaration: "It is not surprising that the whole civilized world outside Germany attributes to us the sole guilt for the world war."

VISCOUNT MOTONO'S RESIGNATION

The resignation of Viscount Ichiro Motono, Japanese Foreign Minister, has international significance.

The Viscount is fifty-six years old, and is a graduate of the University of Lyons, France. After holding many important diplomatic offices, he gained finally the most important of any in the Japanese service, namely, the Ambassadorship at Petrograd, where he remained from January, 1906, until his recent transfer to become the head of the Japanese Foreign Office. More than any other Japanese, it is believed, Viscount Motono understands Russian life in all its phases.

In The Outlook of last week Mr. Gregory Mason, our staff correspondent, reported:

There are two governments in Japan-one composed of the Premier and the Home Minister, the other composed of the Foreign Minister and the War Office. On the issue of Russian intervention the first has had the backing of the United States, and the second has been supported by France, while England and Italy have been hesitating, though apparently slightly in favor of intervention. The influence of Viscount Ishii, the new Ambassador to America, has strengthened the stand of the Premier and Home Minister. It is now quite apparent which of Japan's two governments is the stronger, and there have lately been rumors that Viscount Motono is contemplating resignation. Seldom has a forecast been more quickly fulfilled. Since the publication of the foregoing, a week ago, Viscount Motono has resigned, and the Home Minister, Baron Shimpei Goto, has been promoted to the Foreign Ministry.

Baron Goto, sixty-one years old, has been best known as Minister of Communications. To him has been due the thoroughgoing advance in Japanese land transportation. Especially to Americans who have traveled in the Far East his name has become a household word because of his editorship of four delightful Baedeker-like little guide-books describing Japan, Korea, and China. Baron Goto was graduated from the University of Berlin with the degree of Doctor of Medicine. After a distinguished career as physician and professor in his own country, he became Director of the Sanitary Bureau in the Home Department. When the late General Kodama was sent to govern the island of Formosa, Japan's newly annexed dependency, Baron Goto was made Director of the Civil Administration Bureau. He not only enforced the Opium Law, but initiated the construction of railways and roads in Formosa, so that when

66

The comment on the Siberian situation from the Japanese press is interesting. The papers in sympathy with the late Foreign Minister and the War Office, like the Tokyo " Asahi " (Morning Sun), declare that if the Russian situation continues to develop while the Japanese Government remains inactive and indifferent the people of Tokyo may some day find German airmen dropping bombs on their homes and German submarines ravaging the Pacific. The Tokyo "Nichi-Nichi (Every Day) proposes that Japan should invite the Russian residents in eastern Asia to form an independent government, which Japan would defend against all comers. The area of the new state as indicated would extend from Lake Baikal to Vladivostok. The "Nichi-Nichi" says that three possible plans confront Japan: (1) To wait until Germany has actually placed Siberia within her orbit; (2) to act at once to protect the munitions and supplies at Vladivostok and along the TransSiberian Railway; (3) to propose intervention on the above lines. The objection to the first plan is that action would come too late; to the second, that the action would be too limited in scope; the third offers the "only sensible and effective course. The Tokyo "Yomiuri" (Town Crier) calls attention to the alleged fact that many patriotic Russians favor Japanese intervention, knowing that Japan is the only country that could possibly interfere effectively for the protection of Russia against Germany.

Against the arguments of the so-called "Activists" or interventionists, the Osaka "Asahi" (Morning Sun) advises that Japan should hold herself in readiness but should not act hastily. It warns that the outcome in Russia is still quite indefinite, and that the Allies should not make enemies of the Bolsheviki, and, moreover, under any circumstances an expedition will be difficult, for what would be the use of a few divisions in the vast territory of Siberia? The Tokyo "Jiji" (Current Events) does not think that the liberated prisoners in Siberia would immediately start any movement which would determine Siberia's fate. Neither, at first, did the Tokyo "Kokumin" (The Nation), though it later changed its mind. Finally, the Tokyo "Shin Nippon' (New Japan) complains that Japan herself has done little to prevent Russia from falling into the hands of the lower classes, adding that, whatever may be the attitude towards Russia of England, France, the United States, and other countries where the working classes have great influence, Japan must always be antagonistic to governments such as those of Lenine and Trotsky.

This survey of opinion in Japan shows that the question at issue there has been debated very much as it has been here. The question now is whether the war party will ultimately defeat the Terauchi Ministry, which does not wish to intervene in Siberia except with the full consent of all Japan's allies.

ENDANGERING THE HEALTH OF NEW YORKERS

New York City is beginning to taste the fruit of the elec tion last fall, when its voters made John F. Hylan Mayor. It finds the fruit bitter. Just now it has good reason to fear that one result of that election may be an increase of sickness and a rising death rate.

Under the pretense that there was need for cutting down expenses and that there were nine bureaus in the city's Health Department that had no standing in law, Mayor Hylan ordered an investigation of the Health Department, which for some time

was carried on in secret. The whole medical profession in the city was roused in protest. It looked as if the fine organization which for many years has gradually been built up for the protection of the health of the people of New York City were going to be seriously crippled by star chamber proceedings. The experts in charge of the bureaus are protected by the Civil Service Law. There is only one way of getting rid of them in order to make places for political appointees-by abolishing the bureaus. The so-called "investigation" to determine the legality of those bureaus was instituted by order of the Mayor. Incredible as it may seem, one of the bureaus which it was proposed to abolish was the one devoted to the preservation of the health of children! These bureaus have existed for many years. There is no law against them. They have proved essential to the development of the city's Health Department, which has become a model for other cities to copy.

Public indignation became so widespread that finally the hearings were forced into the open and the original plan to abolish all the bureaus was reported to be reduced to a plan to abolish but one bureau. That, however, is the very important bureau which is devoted to spreading information about health matters among the people. It is through this bureau that the people of New York are informed on subjects such as home sanitation, the yearly campaign against flies, the necessity for prompt reporting of contagious diseases, the method of combating tuberculosis, the importance of complying with health regulations all along the line. The disruption of such an instrument of health administration as this is so dangerous that its imminence in New York City has engaged the attention of the Federal Government. Dr. Rupert Blue, Surgeon-General of the Public Health Service of the United States, sent the following telegram to Mayor Hylan:

Publicity is an essential of public health work. Urge you will not curtail activities of City Health Department of New York in informing public concerning disease and disease prevention. It is even reported that the Federal Government, if it finds Mayor Hylan's course too menacing to public health, may as a war measure take charge of the health administration of this chief port of the United States.

The Health Commissioner, Dr. Amster, appointed by the Mayor soon after he took office, went very far in compliance with the Mayor's wishes, but he could not stand the Mayor's interference, and last week resigned his office. His letter alleges that Mayor Hylan failed to keep his promise of allowing the Health Commissioner freedom from interference, and in this respect is like the letter of resignation of the Mayor's first Police Commissioner. Dr. Amster's successor was at once appointeda homoeopathic eye specialist, Dr. R. S. Copeland.

Under Commissioner Emerson, of the Mitchel administration, the Health Department of the city of New York was conducted with great intelligence and competence. Dr. Emerson's predecessors were likewise, for the most part, competent men. Tammany Hall, which has given New York City some bad government, has not interfered with the development of the Health Department. On the contrary, steady progress in health administration has continued under Tammany Mayors. And now Tammany Hall finds itself with Mayor Hylan on its

hands.

The Governor of the State has power to remove the Mayor. The President of the United States has war powers which he can use for the protection of the health of such a military center as New York City. The exercise of the power of the Governor or the President would bring humiliation upon the city, but it might bring it essential protection. The real humiliation lies in having such a Mayor. The pity of it is that the chief sufferers from a disorganization of the Health Department would be the poor. But the people of the city, poor and rich alike, are responsible for the present condition, for it was they who decided to put Mr. Hylan into office.

A PATRON OF MUSIC

To a great many people Major Henry Lee Higginson's retirement as the patron of the Boston Symphony Orchestra will seem to be something very near a tragedy. It will seem so not merely because this public-spirited American, a veteran of

the Civil War, a discriminating lover of music, and a wise user of wealth, ceases to be the chief supporter of the great orchestra he founded thirty-seven years ago, but because his retirement comes at a time when he has been associated with the defense of the orchestra's conductor, Karl Muck, who has been arrested and interned as a dangerous alien enemy.

It is in a way a tragedy, for Major Higginson has stoutly maintained that Dr. Muck was to be trusted and that the agitation against him was unintelligent. There is no longer any doubt that, in spite of a technical plea of Swiss citizenship, Dr. Muck's nationality is German; and there has never been any question at any time that his sympathies were with the Hun. The fact that the Federal Government has now taken action to put him where he is incapable of rendering any injury to the country has undoubtedly caused those who have been Dr. Muck's apologists a great deal of distress. It will be hard for people to dissociate Major Higginson from this episode. It is most unfortunate, for there have been few men in America whose patriotism, whose large-minded interest in art, whose virile modesty, has been so exemplary. At Harvard his name will be always associated with Soldiers' Field, the University's athletic ground, and with the Harvard Union, the University's great democratic club and center of college activities.

The Boston Symphony Orchestra will, it is announced, be continued under the control of a corporate board of trustees. ATHLETICS AND THE ARMY

Some of our soldiers and sailors recently ran a race over the Marathon course from Ashland to Boston. The winning team was from the 76th Division at Camp Devens, and the second team to finish was from the 302d Infantry, also from Camp Devens. Both teams were well ahead of the Charlestown Navy-Yard team, though led by the famous "star distance runner Devanney, who, however, made the best individual record. Then followed, in order, the runners from the 301st Field Signal Battalion at Camp Devens, those from the Navy Cadet School, those from the 304th Infantry, and finally those from the Navy Radio School at Cambridge.

This event has called attention to the fact that there has been a wholesome evolution in American athletics due to Army participation. Where once the majority who took part were spectators and only a small minority were participants, the situation is now reversed. We now have what we may call mass play. There are soccer matches between all the men of one company and all the men of another. Dr. George J. Fisher, of the Physical Department of the Young Men's Christian Association (to which, as is well known, the Government has intrusted the task of supervising the athletic recreation of our Army), quoted as follows the other day the report of a high military officer who had just returned from France:

What I saw in the concentration camps of France convinces me that the best preparation we can give our men for the military problems they must solve in the trenches of the western front is a plentiful supply of play, athletics properly supervised, so that, in a gathering of many thousand virile young men, all may receive equal benefits.

The Young Men's Christian Association needs hundreds of physical directors for work abroad. To fill this demand directors have even been detached from duty at various camps here and sent overseas. The demand for directors is now coming not only to supply the sectors held by our own troops but also to supply the Italian and French fronts.

To get enough directors for service at home and abroad a wellknown Yale athlete has adopted a successful plan. He compiled a list of the athletes who had won their "Y at Yale between 1900 and 1910, and sent personal letters to every man on the list. The responses were more numerous than the most optimistic had expected. This idea is now being developed to cover other colleges by a team whose membership reads something like one of Walter Camp's All-American football selections of fifteen or twenty years ago. Prominent on the roster of this team (which calls itself the College Committee, on Recruiting Athletic Di rectors) are S. B. ("Brink ") Thorne, of Yale; Perry D. Traf ford and Alden S. Thurston, of Harvard; William H. ("Big Bill") Edwards and Walter C. Booth, of Princeton; and W. S. Langford, of Trinity. This Committee has started a campaign

for the recruiting of athletes who are now beyond military age. According to Mr. Edwards's published appeal: "Of course it is a great satisfaction to a man who has played the game and is at an age when he is physically unfit for Uncle Sam's O. K. to know that he can serve through the Young Men's Christian Association some of the others who are fighting in the game over there in France."

HOME EFFICIENCY

No girl or woman is really educated unless educated to efficiency in home management. At one school the girl learns how to sew-to make simple stitches for marking towels, to cut out and make dresses and waists and underwear, to use different kinds of machines, to trim hats, as well as to care for household linens and mend worn clothing.

The girl is taught to cook. She is taught the care of a kitchen and how to prepare cereals, soups, muffins, biscuits, egg dishes, cheese dishes, vegetables, salads, dressings, preserves, simple desserts, beverages.

There is another thing in this connection which the students at this school learn-the ability to teach. There is a call for volunteers to teach the foreign women in American communities how to cook American food, now that they cannot easily get their native foods. There is a call for women to teach the making of the “war dishes" suggested by the Food Administration, so as best to use substitutes for the food we have been asked to go without.

There is a class in house furnishing. Each room in a typical house is studied in turn. Essential furnishings are listed and investigated in detail. Visits to model kitchens and model apartments follow, and to shops where household linen, bedding, kitchen utensils, china, and silver are sold.

There is a class in house management and financing, beginning with the proper standards of living and their maintenance, and showing how the household income should be consequently divided. Then inevitably follows the study of household accounting and practice in making budgets.

Then comes the supervision of the persons in the house, of the children and the domestics. There is such a thing as learning that stubbornness and willfulness wisely handled may tend to the greater development of the child and the adult.

Finally, there is a class in something that lies outside of the home proper-there is a class in community civics. Women as well as men should be discussing bills in the State Legislature or in the National Legislature which are likely to become law.

Thus the theory of this kind of women's education, as brought out by such a school, becomes that of home and social service. This is timely and welcome, anyway. But it is especially timely and welcome during this period of war when we need to increase the power of every asset, domestic and foreign.

THE STUDIO CLUB

In 1906 some New York City women rented and furnished a room in Seventh Avenue as a reading and rest-place for women students in art. The students soon outgrew the room. Thereupon a small apartment was rented for them, a place where a few students could live. Later, a larger apartment was rented, and, still later, a house. The students have now a much larger and finer house (though rapidly growing too small to meet all their needs), at 25 East Sixty-second Street. An illus tration of the building appears on another page.

The enterprise is known as the Studio Club. Its purpose is to assist those who otherwise would have to board or live alone among all sorts of people and in all sorts of places, and especially to provide a comfortable home for girl students in art-art in its broadest sense, including painting, sculpture and other plastic arts, music, the drama, dancing, literature, journalism. The purpose is also to maintain a social center for students and professional women in these arts.

The fulfillment of such ideals is evident at any visit to the Studio Club any afternoon at tea or at the occasional evening dance, or at the Monday receptions or the Sunday afternoon vesper service or the Tuesday evening Bible class. The assemblage is notable because of the unusual number of interesting

faces-faces revealing uncommon temperament, originality, character. One feels that each girl is a personality and that she is developing a serious purpose.

When these girls go abroad for further study-to Paris, Rome, Vienna-they will carry with them the ideals of beauty, wholesomeness, and purity of life, of clear and broad vision, gained at the New York Studio Club.

There are one hundred and thirty-five members of the Studio Club. Seventy of them live in the building, the rest coming to their meals from lodgings near by. Every State in the Union is represented, and there are also representatives from England, Australia, France, Cuba, and Norway.

The Alumnæ Association of the Club comprises considerably more than two hundred members. The purpose of this Association is to encourage those who are yet students, establishing a link between them and professional art workers, to help its own members, and to give to the world in both life and art some expression of the ideals received while students in the Club building.

In more than one social respect New York City deserves well of the country. When girl students in art come to the metropolis to pursue further studies, those at home may feel the easier about them in the knowledge that they have at hand such a sheet anchor as is the Studio Club.

WHY WERE WE NOT PREPARED WITH SHIPS?

F

ROM a prominent business man of Milwaukee we have received the following letter:

I am inclosing clipping from a recent issue of the Milwaukee "Journal," which makes the claim that Colonel Roosevelt and his Republican associates actually delayed the shipping programme of the United States by about two years, and I would appreciate if you could investigate this matter, or, if you already know about it, can give the facts in regard to it in The Outlook. What our reader incloses in his letter is a piece of special correspondence from Washington. In this the writer quotes from ex-President Roosevelt's recent speech in Maine, in which he said: "We utterly failed in our duty to build without an hour's delay a great fleet of cargo ships. Let us begin to do our immediate duty by both speeding up the war and making ready the ships." The correspondent then makes the comment that Mr. Roosevelt and Senators Lodge and Smoot failed to foresee the future, while "President Wilson looked into the future and saw that the time might come when we would need that great fleet of cargo ships." In support of this assertion the correspondent reviews the history of the Administration's Ship Bill which provided for the Government purchase, building, and operation of merchant ships, and would have authorized the purchase of the German ships which we have since seized. This bill was opposed by the Republicans as well as by some Democrats, and the fact was made the subject of an attack on Mr. Hughes in the Presidential campaign. The correspondent concludes that these former opponents of the Ship Bill now criticise President Wilson for failing to do what they would not permit him to do in 1915 and 1916.

On such public questions the ordinary man forms his judgment for the time being, and then proceeds to forget the facts on which his judgment was based. Since this particular public question, now closed, has been revived for discussion, not by the critics but by the defendants of the policy which raised it, it may be well to remind Americans of what the adoption of that policy would probably have brought upon us.

In all probability the enactment of the Ship Bill during the early months of the war would have drawn us very close to entering the war against the Allies and on Germany's side.

At the time that ship programme was being pushed our Government was insisting that Great Britain allow us to break the British blockade against Germany. Great Britain was holding up and searching our vessels. She had an entire right to do so, as we have since acknowledged by adopting the British policy with regard to neutral vessels ourselves. Because of the pressure of certain American shippers, our Government at that time protested very strenuously. Fortunately, the matter ended there.

If, however, the merchant ships which the British navy held up had been Government vessels, the situation would have been very critical. Either Great Britain would have had to affront the United States by holding up merchant vessels belonging to the Government and under Government control and operation, or else she would have had to abandon the blockade of Germany. It is extremely doubtful whether she would have abandoned the blockade of Germany; and if she had held up and searched American Government merchant vessels, the anti-British feeling in this country might easily have flamed forth into a demand for war on Great Britain like that which we engaged in when Great Britain was fighting that other world menace-Napoleon. Now that America is a belligerent and on the side of the Allies, the situation is very different.

Instead of using Government vessels to run the British blockade, we are using Government vessels to help maintain it. Instead of purchasing the German ships and handing the purchase money over to Germany to help fight against the Allies, we have seized the German ships and hold them as security for the just claims against Germany which we have and shall press. The only thing that could have justified the putting through of the Administration's ship programme before it was put through would have been such a vigorous anti-German policy as would have made America's entrance into the war on Germany's side absolutely impossible. The whole trouble with the ship problem is that it has been in the hands of an Administration which for month after month preached the doctrine that we should not prepare against war, declared those who advocated preparedness to be nervous and excited, announced that we were too proud to fight, that we had no interest in the issues of the war or its origin, and that the only peace that were interested in or believed in was a peace without victory. An Administration which had such views concerning the great struggle between the powers of righteousness and the powers of darkness was in no position to enter upon a ship programme that would have made our dispute with Great Britain in the midst of this struggle infinitely more intense and

critical.

we

We know very well that Mr. McAdoo, Secretary of the Treasury and author of the Administration's ship policy, feels strongly that our present lack of ships is due to the failure to carry out the ship programme earlier; but the real reason for our lack of shipping facilities is much deeper than that. It is that the United States was totally unready to meet the issue which was finally raised in such a form that we could not avoid it, and which was clearly inevitable. The shipping situation is the most critical part of our unpreparedness now, but this critical situation would not have been saved by merely attending to the shipping programme earlier. The blunder consisted in failure to prepare all along the line. The attempt to shift the responsibility to those who opposed this particular programme earlier is an attempt to divert attention from the fundamental difficulty. The only advantage in a reminder of this sort is that we may learn from our past blunders to prevent future calamities by insight as well as foresight, and by thoroughgoing preparation in the present.

MAY 7, 1915 MAY 7, 1918

In its issue of May 19, 1915, The Outlook said: "The sinking of the Lusitania was not an act of war, it was a crime-the crime of murder.' We added that our Government should vigorously and effectively disown all fellowship with the nation which had committed such a crime; should at once call upon Germany "to disown and repudiate her present practice of sinking merchant vessels without warning;" should give "the German Ambassador his passport and call home from Germany the American Ambassador;" should" publicly request by cable all the neutral Powers of the world to unite with us in this action." If America had taken this action then and had at once begun to prepare for possible war, we might not now have to lament the three years of robbery, murder, and rape which have followed, nor to reproach ourselves with almost three years of real inaction and seeming apathy.

That lament, that self-reproach, will not be useless if they

incite us to make up for our inaction then by our speeding now;' for our seeming apathy then by our self-devotion now. We can never undo the sins of the past, but we can be aroused to an invincible resolve not to repeat them in the future. There is one way, and only one, to atone for the past: it is by turning evil into good; it is by making the memory of our laggard spirit a spur to sting us into energy, activity, and promptness.

BULGARIA, OUR ENEMY'S ALLY, OUR ALLIES' ENEMY-CAN SHE

BE OUR FRIEND?

On December 4, 1917, President Wilson informed Congress that the same logic which demanded our declaration of war against Austria would also lead to a declaration of war against Bulgaria and Turkey. "They also are the tools of Germany, but they are mere tools and do not yet stand in the direct path of our necessary action."

Certain reasons-the principal reason doubtless being a large number of helpless Americans there-caused and cause our Government to deem it inexpedient to declare war on Turkey.

But this reason does not hold with regard to Bulgaria. Moreover, with Bulgarian troops at or upon the line fighting with the French and our own soldiers, why should we still entertain in this country the Minister or any other representative from Bulgaria? As ex-Secretary of State Knox queried the other day in the United States Senate concerning the Bulgarian Minister: "Why should he have access to the Department of State and to the ear of the President? Why should he be received in the homes of American citizens to pick up the information that may be dropped at dinner tables and on other social occasions which may be of great value to his country's allies? Does any one here imagine for one second that, with Bulgaria standing in the relation she does to the Kaiser to-day, such information is not going, and going constantly?"

On April 2 Senator King, of Utah, introduced a resolution to declare war on Bulgaria and Turkey. It was, of course, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. That Committee is certainly deliberate in its consideration. But when it does make a report to the Senate, we trust that it will at least favor a declaration of war on Bulgaria.

It would but recognize an existing fact. Every one knows that a state of war does exist between Bulgaria and the United States. The only question is, Is it expedient to declare the existence of that state of war?

It is. Why should we help to maintain Pan-Germanic schemes? Bulgaria cannot at the same time be the friend of the Hun and of America.

"I've allus set my watch every morning by the seven o'clock whistle over in the shops," he went on in his nasal sing-song, "so's I'd be right. I've made it a p'int always to be right, an I ain't a-goin' to change now just becuz a lot o' people is cuttin' each other's throats in Europe. No, sirree!"

"But," interposed the Happy Eremite, "the seven o'clock whistle is blown by the new time."

A placid look settled on Mr. Bulkley's seamed and rather tired face and a gleam of shrewd humor glinted in his eye. "I know, I know," he answered. "But I don't care what the fellow