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retain, so far as necessary and so far as consistent with the character and purposes of the reorganization, its present advisory agencies; but the ultimate decision of all questions, except the determination of prices, should rest always with the Chairman, the other members acting in a co-operative and advisory capacity.

In the determination of prices the Chairman should be governed by the advice of a committee consisting, besides himself, of the members of the Board immediately charged with the study of raw materials and of manufactured products, of the labor member of the Board, of the Chairman of the Federal Trade Commission, the Chairman of the Tariff Commission, and the Fuel Administrator.

And, after enumerating in detail the duties of the Chairman, the President concludes by saying that

In brief, he should act as the general eye of all supply departments in the field of industry.

The letter from which I have quoted is the patent of the broadest authority over American industry and commerce with which any functionary of the United States Government has ever been invested. It creates, in fact, a Generalissimo of American Business during the war. It will be noticed that "the ultimate decision of all questions, except the determination of prices, should rest always with the Chairman," and that " in the determination of prices the Chairman should be governed by the advice of a committee consisting, besides himself, of the members of the Board immediately charged with the study of raw materials and of manufactured products, of the labor member of the Board, of the Chairman of the Federal Trade Commission, the Chairman of the Tariff Commission, and the Fuel Administrator."

The Price-Fixing Committee of the War Industries Board as at present constituted, in accordance with the President's instructions, consists of:

Bernard M. Baruch.

Harry A. Garfield, Fuel Administrator.

Robert S. Brookings, of the War Industries Board.

F. W. Taussig, Chairman of the Tariff Commission.

William J. Harris, Chairman of the Federal Trade Commission. Hugh Frayne, of the War Industries Board, and a member of the American Federation of Labor.

General Palmer F. Pierce, of the War Industries Board, Director-General of Supplies, United States Army.

Paymaster John Hancock, of the Navy.

The War Industries Board itself as at present constituted consists of Bernard M. Baruch, Robert S. Brookings, RearAdmiral Frank F. Fletcher, General Palmer F. Pierce, Hugh Frayne, and Judge E. J. Parker, so that all its members except Admiral Fletcher, who is represented by Paymaster Hancock, and Judge Parker, are also members of the PriceFixing Committee. As Judge Parker is legal adviser to both the Board and the Committee, he is generally present at the deliberations of both bodies. In the consideration and investigation of the various questions they are called upon to decide they have also the assistance of a great many distinguished business and professional men who are proud to be serving the Government in this important work.

Among them are Alexander Legge, General Manager of the International Harvester Company; Leland L. Summers, one of the best-known mechanical engineers in the world; Pope Yeatman, a mining engineer and metallurgist of great distinction; J. L. Replogle, of the Cambria Steel Company, who is one of the great" ironmasters" of this country; James Inglis, President of the American Blower Company, of Detroit; George N. Peek, of Deere & Co.; George R. James, of Memphis, Tennessee; Charles H. MacDowell, of Chicago, Illinois; and a host of others whose names are to be found in the "Who's Who of business success in America.

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The present organization of the War Industries Board includes, in fact, probably more men of affairs who have really done things than have ever been grouped together previously in this or any other country; and it is of this organization that Mr. Baruch is the chairman and head.

Through the authority vested in him to determine "priorities" in the delivery of raw material and fuel and " to convert existing facilities to new uses," which is in effect the right to take over or commandeer, he wields a centralized control over Amer

ican business that is absolute, and becomes at once, under the President, one of the most powerful men in America. It will be granted, I think, that it was necessary that this great power should be vested in some one individual that we may win a war that is chiefly a contest of economic strength and efficiency.

The question is, will Bernard M. Baruch prove equal to the job? In an effort to answer this question I have spent not a little time in Washington. I have talked with Mr. Baruch and his critics as well as his friends. I have learned something of his policies and have endeavored to appraise what he has already accomplished; and I have come to the conclusion that the very facts urged against his original appointment are reasons why he is one of the best men that could have been selected for the place he now occupies.

The objections made to him can be briefed in one sentence. He was a Wall Street speculator and is a Jew. In so far as his speculative training and experience are concerned, it will probably be found, and it is in fact already evident, that they have qualified rather than disqualified him for the responsibilities that he has been called upon to assume in the service of the Government. His dominating purpose, as expressed to me in his own words, is to "bring the people to realize that their only business now is the business of war and to make the country so selfcontained in an economic sense that it can, if continue necessary, to fight independently and indefinitely until victory is secured." Where there is no vision the people perish, and only a man of speculative vision could thus have expressed himself. The word speculator is so constantly misused to describe the gambler that but few understand that it connotes the use of those powers in the possession of which man most closely approaches omniscience. The Latin word speculor, from which the English "speculate is derived, means to look forward or beyond; and the statesman, the philosopher, or the business man who is without this gift of vision cannot accomplish much and will not long survive.

The faith that is the substance of things hoped for and the evidence of things unseen can come only to him who is able to visualize the future with the accuracy that is the product of close reasoning and the self-confidence of an educated intelligence; and we have high authority for the statement that such a faith will give its possessor the power to remove mountains. Without exception, all the world's great men have been speculators in thought or deed.

They have seen the unseen and endeavored to paint a picture of the future upon the canvas of the present. Socrates was a speculative thinker, Christopher Columbus was a speculative sailor, and Edison is a speculative inventor. The world has benefited enormously by their vision and the pertinacious courage with which they followed where it beckoned. That so few speculators succeed is a melancholy fact, evidencing as it does the fallibility of the majority, but it shows also what an unusual equipment the successful speculator must have at his command.

He must be able to see all sides of the problems he attacks, to comprehend the psychological as well as the physical factors, to make due allowance for his own errors as well as the mistakes of those through whom he acts or makes his observations, and he must be ready to advance with audacity and courage, keeping open always a line of retreat by which he can retire with safety from a dangerous situation.

The man who can do all this possesses the attributes of a great general, and Baruch's success in the field of financial speculation thus becomes the surest guaranty of his qualifications for the position that he now occupies. It is hardly possible that he can avoid mistakes or escape criticism. Some of the problems that he will have to meet have vexed humanity for ages and cannot be adequately dealt with while we are at war.

In almost every decision that he makes he is likely to antagonize some one; but the venom of the disgruntled will not injure him if the public believe in his patriotism and ability, and the people will make allowance for his mistakes made in good faith, provided they are not too frequent. Thus far they have been but few. His method has been tactful persuasion rather than coercion, and he seems to have steered successfully between the Scylla of regulation by compulsion and the Charybdis of over-reliance upon the voluntary self-sacrifice of those upon whom the Government and the public must depend for the necessaries of war times. Unless I am much mistaken, he is fired by an earnest and

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honest ambition to serve his country and humanity and a passionate enthusiasm for democracy.

As an American who boasts of the religious freedom of his country, I am ashamed that I should have had to allude to the criticism of Mr. Baruch's appointment that was based upon the fact that he is a Jew. The student of contemporary history or character in the United States would, however, be uncandid and inaccurate if he ignored the anti-Semitic prejudice that still exists here, although it is happily diminishing, and is, I think, destined to disappear entirely in the admiration that the people of this country are coming to have for the public spirit and patriotism of the American Jew, both before the war and since. As an example of this fervor in the service of his country, Mr. Baruch's activities in Washington have had, I am convinced, a very definite effect in broadening the previous narrowmindedness of many of his countrymen upon a subject that is perhaps too reticently handled by those who mention it at all. Yes, Baruch is a Jew, and he is proud of it.

The courage with which he has met many situations where he has been called upon to decide as between the rights of the Nation and the rights of capital shows that he is no respecter of financial personages, even though they may have been his associates. Some of them have even accused him of being a Socialist in his devotion to the interest of the people as represented by the Government.

Among his forebears there were many rabbis, doctors, and students of philosophy, and he seems to have inherited some of their idealism and impatience with error.

His father, Dr. Simon Baruch, is a Jew of Spanish lineage who emigrated to this country from Polish Prussia when he

was a boy of thirteen, and became a physician of great distinction. He settled in South Carolina and served as an officer in the Confederate army during the Civil War. Mr. Baruch's mother was Isabel Wolf, a daughter of a cotton planter and a member of a well-known Southern family.

He was born at Camden, South Carolina, in 1870. He is fond of the South, takes a pride in its traditions, and maintains a home in South Carolina to-day. Being forty-seven years of age, he is old enough to be careful and young enough to be progressive.

Though he has an academic education, being a graduate of the College of the City of New York, of which he is now a trustee, he is also a self-made man, with the broad sympathy that such men acquire in the making. He started his commercial career as a clerk in a glassware business, studying law and medicine meanwhile as an unconscious preparation for the financial versatility and success that he subsequently attained. Before 1916 he had never been active in politics and had not met Mr. Wilson when he enlisted in his support, to which he was drawn entirely by the idealism of the man as expressed in his public utterances. That the attachment has since become mutual is a fact that seems to attest an intellectual community of interest, and, in so far as one may judge the future by the past or predicate prophecy upon personality, it seems safe to assume that the man who has made good in New York will also make good in Washington.

Just one word more I would like to add. I have been in Wall Street for thirty years. During that time "Berney Baruch " has been much talked about, but I have never heard his word questioned or his honor assailed.

WAR-TIME IN THE MOUNTAINS

BY ANN COBB

OF THE SETTLEMENT SCHOOL, HINDMAN, KNOTT COUNTY, KENTUCKY

I-DULCIMORE OVER THE FIREBOARD
Dulcimore1 over the fireboard, a-hanging sence allus-ago,
Strangers are wishful to buy you, and make of your music a show.
Not while the selling a heart for a gold-piece is reckoned a sin;
Not while the word of old Enoch still stands as a law for his kin.

Grandsir' he made you in Breathitt, the while he was courting a maid;
Nary a one of his offsprings, right down to the least one, but played,
Played, and passed on to his people, with only the song to abide,
Long-ago songs of Old England, whose lads we are battling beside.

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Loretty 'lows they had to go; she'll not have got hit right,—

I never heared of forcing mountain men to jine a fight.

Hit mought be known down yander they're right handy with a gun,

And they'll be larning level-country lads how shooting's done.

The maids have quit their weaving, and they've quit their singing too,
"Twill be a lonesome valley that they'll be a-traveling through;
And sorry help are cripples, who can only sit and pray,
"Christ comfort maids and mothers now the lads are gone away!"

The dulcimer has been for generations the musical instrument of the Kentucky mountains. To its plaintive drone are sung the ancient English and Scottish ballads still handed down from father to son.

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WHO AND WHY AND WHAT THEY ARE

BY PORTER EMERSON BROWNE

The Vigilantes are a group of more than four hundred American writers, artists, publicists, and patriots who, over a year ago, banded themselves together to fight with pen, with brush, with voice, and with spirit for their country's honor and their country's life. How they are doing it is told in the following article. As an indication of the type of American men and American women who have volunteered for this service, it is sufficient to say that among its four hundred members are Lyman Abbott, Samuel Hopkins Adams, George Ade, Gertrude Atherton, Mary Austin, Irving Bacheller, Bruce Barton, Rex Beach, Cyrus Townsend Brady, Ellis Parker Butler, Walter Camp, Robert W. Chambers, George Randolph Chester, Irvin S. Cobb, James Montgomery Flagg, Hamlin Garland, Theodosia Garrison, Charles Dana Gibson, Robert Grant, Emerson Hough, Rupert Hughes, Wallace Irwin, Joseph C. Lincoln, George Barr McCutcheon, Wallace Morgan, Meredith Nicholson, Theodore Roosevelt, Ida M. Tarbell, Booth Tarkington, Augustus Thomas, Roland G. Usher, Stewart Edward White, Kate Douglas Wiggin, and William English Walling. The patriotic articles and pictures by its members are being widely circulated in the newspapers and magazines of the country without charge. For this work of distribution money is needed by the organization, which is supported by voluntary contributions. Theodore Roosevelt, a generous contributor to its funds, urges all patriotic Americans to support it. In this commendation The Outlook heartily concurs. For further information write direct to the Vigilantes. Contributions, small or large, to continue and extend the work will be gratefully received. All mail should be addressed: The Vigilantes, 505 Fifth Avenue, New York City.-THE EDITORS.

T was in November, 1916, that Hermann Hagedorn came over to my house one dour Sunday afternoon.

I

The United States was not then at war with Germany. Many of us felt that it would be, that it should be; we felt the need of preparedness, of universal military training and service, of doing something to get ready for the part that we felt our country must eventually take in resisting the German foray on civilization.

It were profitless now to dwell on the bitterness that had been engendered in our hearts by the Mexican policy, or rather the lack thereof, that had made the gallant little army of the United States a joke in the eyes of the world; by the bombastic statements of Mr. Bryan that in case of trouble a million men would leap to arms overnight, omitting to say to whose arms or where those arms were to be found.

We felt absolutely certain that Germany had no intention of renouncing the submarine. We felt equally certain that it was impossible that she would not drag us into the world war. We wanted our country to know, to feel, and to prepare, that she might with courage and with honor take the part that even then destiny was thrusting into her flaccid hands.

"Can't we do something?" cried Hagedorn, with the bitterness of impotence.

I shook my head. It all seemed too vastly hopeless. yet there might be something.

But what? Exactly what?

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And

It is always a good idea when you yourself fail of a solution to ask somebody else. This it is that makes the careers of doctors and lawyers so fruitful.

And so it was that Hagedorn and I hied ourselves to the great city, bearing in our brains and bosoms the nucleus of a barea very bare-idea. And there we found Charles Hanson Towne, poet and editor, and Julian Street. They saw at once. At once they understood to the full all that we didn't, but wished to, have. And we sat down to formulate a plan.

Being writers, naturally writing was our field. And, after all, writing is to the nation what conversation is to the individual. A country without the written word would be a country deaf and a country dumb. It is the written and the printed word that weld a nation into a single entity.

And, as has since become so clear to us, it is the written and the printed word that builds a nation from the bottom.

Germany it was that made war understandingly and constructively. She built her structure of war from the bottom up. We and the Allies have tried to erect ours from the top down. War is founded, not upon the soldiers of a nation, but upon the nation's spirit. This Germany knew. So she spent forty years training the nation's spirit before she sent forth her soldiers. We send forth our soldiers and then try to train the National soul that makes those soldiers possible.

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That day we formulated a plan. It had its faults. The first was that we hadn't the slightest idea in the world how it was ever to be put into effect. It involved money and co-operation and volume beyond our wildest dreams. But we were in no mood to let a little thing like that stop us.

And upon virginal white paper were written down the purposes of our yet unborn organization. I have them before me : To awaken the people of America to a sense of their responsibilities as individual citizens and as a Nation by rousing the spiritual forces of the country in the service of the country and to work for the only effective preventive of National disaster: an intelligent and articulate citizenship.

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This, remember, was written in November, 1916, when the
country was sound asleep and snoring.
And how was all this to be done?
It is here, just below:

By means of a patient and persistent pouring in of informa-
tion concerning National and international affairs through a
syndicate service able to avail itself of the talents of the most
thoughtful and brilliant American writers and statesmen.
And there you have the whole thing in a nutshell.

But how to accomplish this? To talk about a syndicate service is one thing. To get one is something else. It's like a billion dollars. Anybody can mention it with the utmost insouciance. But

It was Street that led us from the cul-de-sac.

"There must be other organizations that feel as we do, that are trying to do something to arouse the country," he said. As a matter of fact, I think I belong to some of 'em. Why not try to find out who they are and ask them about their plans?"

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We eagerly concurred. Towne, who knows almost everybody worth knowing, and vice versa, made out a list; and a week or so later there sat down to luncheon at the Players Club with us Stanwood Menken, President of the National Security League; Cleveland Moffett, author and a director of the American Defense Society; Raymond B. Price, business man and patriot; Thomas C. Desmond, engineer and active in politics; Hamlin Garland, writer and publicist; and Frederick Tanner, lawyer.

From this luncheon was gained one big thing. The luncheoners seemed to think the idea might work. And some were most enthusiastic; which, considering that we had invited them to lunch at their expense, one must admit was encouraging.

Following this, we began to wonder, if luncheons were so conducive to growth, what a dinner would do. We decided to try. And on December 20, having found thirty-five more gentlemen

who were willing to pay for their own food, the first Vigilantes Dinner was held.

Meanwhile plans had been revised, revamped, and made workable, and the Vigilante idea put on a simple and effective (at least we hoped it was effective) basis. It was no more and no less than a scheme for the syndication of the best available type of patriotic publicity to be conducted through the already existing mediums of newspapers and news syndicates.

There were hundreds of scattered writers with things to write. There were millions of scattered readers who wanted those things to read. Merely the co-ordinating machinery was lacking.

No one involved had any ax to grind. There was no red tape to bind or choke or throttle. Writers would be glad to give their work. Newspapers and syndicates would (as soon as they found out that there wasn't a catch in it somewhere) be glad to give their space for material which, at regular rates, would be worth not a small but a large fortune. There was lacking, then, only the machinery for the collection of material from the writers and for its distribution to the newspapers and syndicates.

Such, then, was the idea. And as such the diners saw it. And they more than saw. Seven hundred dollars was subscribed all at once. And with joy in our hearts we rented an office and a stenographer and set to work. Writers among them Booth Tarkington, George Ade, Rex Beach, Irvin S. Cobb, Samuel Hopkins Adams, Gertrude Atherton-volunteered immediately and enthusiastically. Syndicate lists reaching practically all the big newspapers in the country were perfected under the supervision of A. W. Erickson, Henry Walsh, and Guy T. Viskniskki, the latter then of the Wheeler Syndicate, and now editor of the "Stars and Stripes," the weekly newspaper published by and for the American Expeditionary Force in France. Charles J. Rosebault, formerly of the New York "Sun," was made managing editor. The Executive Committee was enlarged to comprise, in addition to the actual founders, Augustus Thomas, Irvin S. Cobb, Monroe Douglas Robinson, Ellis Parker Butler, Thomas C. Desmond, and Robert J. Wildhack.

We also affiliated with the Western Newspaper Syndicate, which sends articles to a tremendous number of the smaller news in the United States. Inasmuch as most of us are magapapers zine men and women as well, we were even enabled through these dual associations to do a great deal of work that does not appear as Vigilante work per se, but which is none the less so in actuality. With our entry into the war, the energies of the Vigilantes were applied with increased vigor to their constantly augmenting tasks. Now it was no longer a matter only of arousing the American public to a sense of its obligation to the world and to the need of preparing for its own defense. Scores of practical questions, which had nevertheless to be transfigured to make them interesting to the people, were pressed upon the Vigilantes from many sources.

The Government, for one, demanded that the writers and artists hold themselves subject to its needs. Organizations of a semi-Governmental nature, like the Red Cross and the Y. M. C. A., put forward their bids for aid. Practically all the organizations designed for patriotic service seemed to feel that they had some claim upon the service of the Vigilantes. And, so far as possible, always keeping in view that the chief aim of the organization was to inspire the soul of the country-to keep it alive to the best ideals of Americanism-the Vigilantes gave their assistance right and left, and always without charge.

For the Government the organization threw itself heartily into the campaign for the Liberty Loans, the conservation of food and fuel, and the War Savings campaign. It also joined with a sub-committee of the Committee on Public Information, located in New York City, in a campaign to counteract the German propaganda in Russia, which misrepresented America and its attitude toward the Russian democracy.

Among the organizations which appealed to the Vigilantes for support, beyond those already mentioned, were the National Security League, the American Bankers' Association, the League to Enforce Peace, the American Alliance for Labor and Democ racy, the United States Chamber of Commerce, the American Defense Society, and the Boy Scouts.

The cunning of the enemy in seeking to promote every antiAmerican agency was exposed and followed up with unremitting vigor. The alliance between the Prussian Government and

the leagues for promoting the teaching of German in primary schools of the country was clearly demonstrated; the proGermanism of Hearst, of George Sylvester Viereck, and of numerous other publishers was equally exposed; the attitude of the German-language press and its effort to hold the Germans and Americans of German descent in line for the Kaiser were made so clear that legislation had to follow; through the mouth of organized labor itself was proved the falsity of the Germaninspired assertion that this was a rich man's war. So also the pro-German leanings and tendencies of the Socialist party and such pacifist organizations as the League Against Militarism and the People's Council were brought under the spotlight.

Among the many subjects which came up for treatment, certain ones have crystallized into permanent objects of Vigilantes propaganda. These may be summarized as

The breaking down of prejudice of all kinds to make a united America with ideal Americanism as its only slogan.

Universal service, whether we have a prolonged war or an early peace, and whether the peace is definite or holds a threat of future war. The great lesson of our participation is that the country can be benefited only by applying the doctrines of universal service. In its practical form this means universal military training.

At the present moment she Vigilantes are working for the Government on the Russian service, referred to above, on the Third Liberty Loan, and the War Savings campaign. For these they are supplying a special service to each of the Government agencies that control these campaigns.

For the Red Cross they have supplied editors and writers for special campaigns.

The editors of the country alive to the significance of this unique undertaking have hailed the work of the Vigilantes with enthusiasm, and articles, poems, slogans, and stories, bearing after the name of each author the phrase "Of the Vigilantes, are appearing daily in newspapers, large and small, from coast to coast.

Now, barely a year from its actual birth, the Vigilantes are serving fifteen thousand papers reaching fifty-three million readers. Nor is this all.

In this war Germany has unsheathed and brought into play one weapon that the Allies and ourselves didn't even know existed. And it is with this weapon that she has won her greatest victories. With this weapon she has beaten Russia from a great and powerful nation to a helpless, writhing pulp. With this weapon she tore from Italy the fruits of three years of desperate, valiant fighting. With this weapon she has tortured and tormented, and is still torturing and tormenting, the so-called neutral nations. With this weapon she is daily confusing and rendering difficult the best efforts of America to win the war; encouraging treason; aiding and abetting sedition; cultivating depression; tainting honest criticism with the innuendo of treachery; fanning the fires of Bolshevikism, disunion, disorganization, anarchy, and disaster.

It is the deadliest known weapon that a nation has ever used since this old earth was born. And it is propaganda.

It is stated, and it would appear reasonable to believe, that Germany spent two hundred million dollars for propaganda in Russia. As against a few thousand dollars spent there by the United States! The answer is there for him who runs to read. And the faster he runs, the better he'll read.

Like the submarine, propaganda is a weapon. Like the submarine, it must be met and defeated. And it can be defeated only by a weapon adapted to do combat with it. You can't defeat propaganda with cannon and soldiers any more than you can beat an airplane with poison gas. For, remember, an army is only as strong as the national spirit that stands behind that army. And the one weapon to make or break national spirit is the written and the spoken word.

The Vigilantes, single-handed, under the wearing handicaps of lack of money and the painful necessity of making their several and individual livings, with the wolf ever at the door and occasionally poking his lean snout even into the vestibule, have been doing everything in their power to fight as best they could this great and terrible engine of German destruction for Ger

many long ago mobilized her artists and writers. But she made the mistake of immediately denaturing them into Government servants-a sort of His Master's Voice. We Vigilantes have, and we think wisely, remained independent and non-partisan. We are working for America.

We now have four hundred writing members, comprising practically all the best writers in the country. Sixty of the best of these have taken what is practically a military oath of service to give us, on demand, one thousand words a month. This monthly service, if bought by any magazine, would mean a cash valuation of at least $20,000. It is in this way that the writers of the country are trying to do their part.

But do not get the idea that the work of the Vigilantes is carried on only by poets, authors, artists, and idealists. Our work now has the support of many of the best-known and most patriotic and most efficient people in America-leaders in manufacturing, finance, railway operation, great mining enterprises, and other fields of our industrial life, which has played so important a part in furnishing resources to our allies-men and women who stand ever ready to give to every good cause, charitable or patriotic such as Cleveland H. Dodge, William Hamlin Childs, Major John Purroy Mitchel, J. Horace Harding, Elon H. Hooker, Samuel A. Lewisohn, Jacob H. Schiff, James G.

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White, George F. Baker, Jr., Vincent Astor, Paul D. Cravath,
William Fellowes Morgan, John Harsen Rhoades, Herbert L.
Satterlee, Major Willard Straight, Percy S. Straus, Frank
Trumbull, Frank A. Vanderlip, Frederick W. Allen, Robert
Fulton Cutting, Mary Austin, Mrs. Stephen Millett, Mrs.
Douglas Robinson, and, as well, hundreds of other public-spirited
citizens. Furthermore, most of the authors are contributing of
their money as well as their services.

Our purposes, for which we shall work as long as the Lord shall let us, with all the strength, with all the enthusiasm, with all the optimism, there is in use, are:

To arouse the country to a realization of the importance of the problems confronting the American people.

To awaken and cultivate in the youth of the country a sense of public service and an intelligent interest in citizenship and National problems.

To work vigorously for preparedness-mental, moral, and physical.

To work with especial vigor for universal military training and service under exclusive Federal control, as a basic principle of American democracy.

These things seem to the Vigilantes a necessary foundation for the Nation's spirit that means the Nation's life.

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CAREY'S MEN'

BY AMELIA JOSEPHINE BURR

Their hearts were hot as youth's with generous fire
To give their utmost-wisdom said, too late-
But destiny cried yea to their desire,
And fearlessly they grasped the hand of fate.
Between the Prussian tyrant and his goal
The line of Britain's army broke-and then
Arose a land's imperishable soul,

And England's laborers were Carey's men.

Theirs was the task to build the roads for feet
On the great march against the power of Mars,-
They asked not if their drudgery were sweet,
They only did it, till the holy stars
Decreed that they should taste the uttermost
Of sacrifice's costly joy-and then
Shouting they leaped exultant to their post,
And Yankee engineers were Carey's men.
Scabbarded swords that God alone can know
The temper of, we live our days-and then
For each of us, at last, His bugles blow-
Grant us to meet Thy test like Carey's men!

THE LION OF JUDAH

BY JOSEPH H. ODELL

ND," said Ellis, "you must run down to see the Major; you cannot leave England with a decent conscience otherwise. He is living in the family place near Canterbury, totally blind, but he's doing in peace what he did in war -transforming a disaster into a victory."

"Tell me something about the action itself-where he was put out," I said.

"It is hard to get the story complete," replied Ellis. "I have pieced it together, partly from his orderly, who still lives with him; partly from what Carrington told me; and partly from eye-witness accounts of that last ditch fighting about Ypres, the first and second weeks of November. The Major belonged to 1 Cable accounts of Mr. Lloyd George's speech of April 9 before the House of Commons on the German offensive in Picardy state that " he said the gap on the way to Amiens was held by Brigadier-General Carey, who for six days stood off the enemy with engineers, laborers, signalers, and anybody who could hold a rifle."

the Seventh Division, which came out of the hell of 1914 witn
only forty-four of its four hundred officers on the roster. From
Mons to the Marne and back to Ypres the Major went without
a scratch, and it is not in the memory of a single survivor that
he once took cover. At various times, according to the state of
the shambles, he filled every command from general down to
subaltern. On the day when his star went against him he was
holding
holding a line of new trenches near the Menin-Ypres road,
with his flank in a bit of woods; against him were the Prussian
Guard, how many nobody knew-and they were real men too, in
spite of being overdrilled. The Major had a mixed command,
the fag-end of many companies from at least five different regi-
ments, not counting some dismounted cavalry, but they were all
devilishly keen to pay off old scores for the sake of regimental
honor or to avenge a pal. God, but they must have fought like

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