viewed under a threefold aspect. 1. The poet or philosopher illustrates his age and country by the efforts of a single mind; but these superior powers of reason or fancy are rare and spontaneous productions; and the genius of Homer, or Cicero, or Newton, would excite less admiration, if they could be created by the will of a prince, or the lessons of a preceptor. 2. The benefits of law and policy, of trade and manufactures, of arts and sciences, are more solid and permanent; and many individuals may be qualified, by education and disci pline, to promote, in their respective stations, the interest of the community. But this general order is the effect of skill and labour; and the complex machinery may be decayed by time, or injured by violence. 3. Fortunately for mankind, the more useful, or, at least, more necessary arts, can be performed without superior talents, or national subordination; without the powers of one, or the union of many. Each village, each family, each individual, must always possess both ability and inclination, to perpetuate the use of fire(12) and of metals; the propagation and service of domestic animals; the methods of hunting and fishing; the rudiments of navigation; the imperfect cultivation of corn, or other nutritive grain; and the simple practice of the mechanic trades. Private genius and public industry may be extirpated; but these hardy plants survive the tempest, and strike an everlasting root into the most unfavourable soil. The splendid days of Augustus and Trajan were eclipsed by a cloud of ignorance; and the Barbarians subverted the laws and palaces of Rome. But the scythe, the invention or emblem of Saturn,(13) still continued annually to mow the harvests of Italy; and the human feasts of the Læstrigons(14) have never been renewed on the coast of Campania. Since the first discovery of the arts, war, commerce, and religious zeal have diffused, among the savages of the Old and New World, these inestimable gifts; they have been successively propagated; they can never be lost. We may therefore acquiesce in the pleasing conclusion, that every age of the world has increased, and still increases, the real wealth, the happiness, the knowledge, and perhaps the virtue, of the human race.(15) (12) It is certain, however strange, that many nations have been ignorant of the use of fire. Even the ingenious natives of Otaheite, who are destitute of metals, have not invented any earthen vessels capable of sustaining the action of fire, and of communicating the heat to the liquids which they contain. (13) Plutarch, Quæst. Rom. in tom. ii. p. 275. Macrob. Saturnal. I. . c. 8, p. 152, edit. London. The arrival of Saturn (of his religious worship) in a ship, may indicate, that the savage coast of Latium was first discovered and civilized by the Phoenicians. (14) In the ninth and tenth books of the Odyssey, Homer has embellished the tales of fearful and credulous sailors, who transformed the cannibals of Italy and Sicily into monstrous giants. (15) The merit of discovery has too often been stained with avarice, cruelty, and fanaticism; and the intercourse of nations has produced the communication of disease and prejudice. A singular exception is due to the virtue of our own times and country. The five great voyages successively undertaken by the command of his present Majesty, were inspired by the pure and generous love of science and of mankind. The same prince, adapting his benefactions to the different stages of society, has founded a school of painting in his capital; and has introduced into the islands of the South Sea, the vegetables and animals most useful to human life. NOTES TO THE SECOND VOLUME. PAGE 1.- *The philosophers retaliated on the courtiers. Marius (says Eunapius, in a newly-discovered fragment) was wont to call his antagonist Sylla a beast half lion and half fox. Constantius had nothing of the lion, but was surrounded by a whole litter of foxes. Mai, Script. Byz. Nov. Col., ii., 238. Niebuhr, Byzant. Hist., 66. -M. P. 2. The late editor of Ammianus attempts to vindicate his author from the charge of inaccuracy. "It is clear, from the whole course of the narrative, that Constantius entertained this design of demanding his troops from Julian immediately after the taking of Amida, in the autumn of the preceding year, and had transmitted his orders into Gaul before it was known that Lupicinus had gone into Britain with the Herulians and Batavians." Wagner, note to Amm., xx., 4. But it seems also clear that the troops were in winter quarters (hiemabant) when the orders arrived. Ammianus can scarcely be acquitted of incorrectness, in his language at least.-M. P. 10.- Bannostar. Mannert.-M. P. 12.-* Wagner thinks this sudden change of sentiment altogether a fiction of the attendant courtiers and chiefs of the army, who up to this time had been hostile to Julian. Note in loco. Ammian.-M. P. 16.- Gibbonus secundum habet pro numero, quod tamen est viri agnomen. Wagner, note in loc. Amm. It is not a mistake; it is rather an error in taste. Wagner inclines to transfer the chief guilt to Arbetio.-M. P. 32.- Eunapius wrote a continuation of the History of Dexippus. Some valuable fragments of this work have been recovered by M. Mai, and reprinted in Niebuhr's Edition of the Byzantine Historians. -M. P. 35.- Much curious information on this subject is collected in the first chapter of Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuzzüge.-M. P. 35.- Lord Mahon, in a memoir read before the Society of Antiquaries (Feb., 1831), has traced, in a brief but interesting "true" cross. It is curious to inquire what authority we have, except of late tradition, for the Hill of Calvary. There is none in the sacred writings: the uniform use of the common word róπoç, instead of any word expressing ascent or acclivity, is against the notion.-M. P. 36. According to the historian Kotobeddym, quoted by Burckhardt (Travels in Arabia, p. 276), the Calif Mokteder sacrificed during his pilgrimage to Mecca, in the year of the Hejira 350, forty thousand camels and cows, and fifty thousand sheep. Barthema describes thirty thousand oxen slain, and their carcasses given to the poor. Quarterly Review, xiii., p. 39.-M. P. 37. Michaelis has given an ingenious and sufficiently probable explanation of this remarkable incident, which the positive testimony of Ammianus, a contemporary and a pagan, will not permit us to call in question. It was suggested by a passage in Tacitus. That historian, speaking of Jerusalem, says [I omit the first part of the quotation adduced by M. Guizot, which only by a most extraordinary mistranslation of muri introrsus sinuati by "enfoncemens" could be made to bear on the question.-M.], "The Temple itself was a kind of citadel, which had its own walls, superior in their workmanship and construction to those of the city. The porticoes themselves, which surrounded the temple, were an excellent fortification. There was a fountain of constantly running water; subterranean excavations under the mountain; reservoirs and cisterns to collect the rain water." Tac., Hist., v. ii., 12. These excavations and reservoirs must have been very considerable. The latter furnished water during the whole siege of Jerusalem to 1,100,000 inhabitants, for whom the fountain of Siloe could not have sufficed, and who had no fresh rain water, the siege having taken place from the month of April to the month of August, a period of the year during which it rarely rains in Jerusalem. As to the excavations, they served after, and even before, the return of the Jews from Baby wine, and corn, but also the treasures which were laid up in the Temple. Josephus has related several incidents which show their extent. When Jerusalem was on the point of being taken by Titus, the rebel chiefs, placing their last hopes in these vast subterranean cavities (υπονόμους, υπογαία, δια úpvxas), formed a design of concealing themselves there, and remaining during the conflagration of the city, and until the Romans had retired to a distance. The greater part had not time to execute their design; but one of them, Simon, the son of Gioras, having provided himself with food and tools to excavate the earth, descended into this retreat with some companions: he remained there till Titus had set out for Rome; under the pressure of famine, he issued forth on a sudden, in the very place where the Temple had stood, and appeared in the midst of the Roman guard. He was seized and carried to Rome for the triumph. His appearance made it be suspected that other Jews might have chosen the same asylum; search was made, and a great number discovered. Joseph., de Bell. Jud., 1. vii., c. 2. It is probable that the greater part of these excavations were the remains of the time of Solomon, when it was the custom to work to a great extent under ground: no other date can be assigned to them. The Jews, on their return from the captivity, were too poor to undertake such works; and although Herod, on rebuilding the Temple, made some excavations (Joseph., Ant. Jud., xv., 11, vii.), the haste with which that building was completed will not allow us to suppose that they belonged to that period. Some were used for sewers and drains, others served to conceal the immense treasures, of which Crassus, a hundred and twenty years before, plundered the Jews, and which, doubtless, had been since replaced. The Temple was destroyed A.C. 70: the attempt of Julian to rebuild it, and the fact related by Ammianus, coincide with the year 363. There had then elapsed between these two epochs an interval of near 300 years, during which the excavations, choked up with ruins, must have become full of inflammable air. The workmen employed by Julian, as they were digging, arrived at the excava tions of the Temple; they would take torches to explore them; sudden flames repelled those who approached; explosions were heard, and these phenomena were renewed every time that they penetrated into new subterranean passages.* This expla It is a fact now popularly known, that when mines which have been long closed are opened, one of two things takes place; either the torches are extinguished, and the men fall first into a swoon and soon die; or, if the air is inflammable, a little nation is confirmed by the relation of an event nearly similar by Josephus. King Herod having heard that immense treasures had been concealed in the sepulchre of David, he descended into it with a few confidential persons; he found in the first subterranean chamber only jewels and precious stuffs; but having wished to penetrate into a second chamber, which had been long closed, he was repelled, when he opened it, by flames, which killed those who accompanied him. (Ant. Jud., xvi., 7, i.) As here there is no room for miracle, this fact may be considered as a new proof of the veracity of that related by Ammianus and the contemporary writers.-G. To the illustrations of the extent of the subterranean chambers adduced by Michaelis, may be added, that when John of Gischala, during the siege, surprised the Temple, the party of Eleazar took refuge within them. Bell. Jud., vi., 3, i. The sudden sinking of the Hill of Sion, when Jerusalem was occupied by Barchocab, may have been connected with similar excavations. Hist. of Jews, vol. iii, 122 and 186.-M. P. 37.- Gibbon has forgotten Basnage, to whom Warburton replied.-M. P. 39. Socrates, however, implies that, on the death of Julian, they were contemptuously thrown aside by the Christians. τῶν δὲ οἱ πόνοι, ἐν ἴσῳ τοῦ μὴ γραφῆναι, oyilovra. Socr., Hist., iii., 16. P. 44. Julian himself says, that they tore him to pieces like dogs. Toλμā dпμos, voTep oi KỶVES, OTаpáTTEIV. Epist., x.-M. P. 44. The late Dr. Milner (the Roman Catholic bishop) wrote a tract to vindicate the existence and the orthodoxy of the tutelar saint of England. He succeeds, I think, in tracing the worship of St. George up to a period which makes it improbable that so notorious an Arian could be palmed upon the Catholic church as a saint and a martyr. The acts rejected by Gelasius may have been of Arian origin, and attempted to ingraft the story of their hero on the obscure adventures of some earlier saint. See an Historical and Critical Inquiry into the Existence and Character of St. George, in a letter to the Earl of Leicester, by the Rev. J. Milner, F.S.A. London, 1792.M. P. 46. The sentence in the text is from Epist. li., addressed to the people of Alexandria.-M. P. 48. See also Casaubon de Satirâ, with Rambach's observations.-M. P. 48. The name of Diva gens or Diflame is seen to flicker round the lamp, which spreads and multiplies till the conflagration be comes general, is followed by an explosion, and kills all who are in the way.-G. vorum regio according to the probable conjecture of M. Letroe (Trois. Mem. Acad., p. 127), was applied by the ancients to the whole eastern coast of the Indian Peninsula, from Ceylon to the Ganges. The name may be traced in Dévipatnam, Dévidan, Dévicotta, Divinelly, the point of Divy. M. Letronne, p. 121, considers the freedman with his embassy from Ceylon to have been an impostor.-M. P. 53. This name, of Syriac origin, is found in the Arabic, and means a place in a valley where waters meet. Julian says the name of the city is Barbaric, the situation Greek. Βαρβαρικὸν ὄνομα τοῦτο, Xwpíov toriv 'Eλanvikov. The geographer Abulfeda (tab. Syriac., p. 129, edit. Koehler) speaks of it in a manner to justify the praises of Julian.-St. Martin, Notes to Le Beau, iii., 56.-M. P. 53. † Or Bambyce, now Bambouch; Manbedj, Arab., or Maboug, Syr. It was twenty-four Roman miles from the Euphrates.-M. P. 53.― Djisr Manbedj is the same with the ancient Zeugma. St. Martin, iii., 58. -M. P. 53. On an inedited medal in the collection of the late M. Tochon, of the Academy of Inscriptions, it is read XAPPAN. St. Martin, iii., 60.-M. P. 54.- Arsaces Tiranus, or Diran, had ceased to reign twenty-five years before, in 337. The intermediate changes in Armenia, and the character of this Arsaces, the son of Diran, are traced by M. St. Martin at considerable length in his supplement to Le Beau, ii., 208-242. As long as his Grecian queen Olympias maintained her influence, Arsaces was faithful to the Roman and Christian alliance. On the accession of Julian, the same influence made his fidelity to waver; but Olympias having been poisoned in the sacramental bread by the agency of Pharandsem, the former wife of Arsaces, another change took place in Armenian politics unfavourable to the Christian interest. The patriarch Narses retired from the impious court to a safe seclusion. Yet Pharandsem was equally hostile to the Persian influence, and Arsaces began to support with vigour the cause of Julian. He made an inroad into the Persian dominions with a body of Huns and Alans as auxiliaries; wasted Aderbidgan; and Sapor, who had been defeated near Tauriz, was engaged in making head against his troops in Persarmenia, at the time of the death of Julian. Such is M. St. Martin's view (iii., 276, et seq.), which rests on the Armenian historians, Faustus of Byzantium, and Mesrob the biographer of the patriarch Narses. In the history of Armenia by Father Chamitch, and translated by Avdall, Tiran is still king of Armenia at the time of Julian's death. F. Chamitch follows Moses of Chorone, the authority of Gibbon. —M. P. 54.- St. Martin considers it genuine the Armenian writers mention such a letter, iii., 37.-M. P. 54.- Arsaces did not abandon the Roman alliance, but gave it only feeble support. St. Martin, iii., 41.-M. P. 54.- Kirkesia, the Carchemish of the Scriptures.-M. * P. 55.- St. Martin conceives that he was an elder brother by another mother who had several children, ii., 24.—M. P. 56.- This is not a title, but the name of a great Persian family. St. Martin, iii., 79.—M. P. 56.- Podosaces-Malek is king. St. Martin considers that Gibbon has fallen into an error in bringing the tribe of Gassan to the Euphrates. In Ammianus it is Assan. M. St. Martin would read Massanitarum, the same with the Mauzanita of Malala.— M. P. 57.—* This Syriac or Chaldaic word has relation to its position; it easily bears the signification of the division of the waters. M. St. M. considers it the Massice of Pliny, v., 26 St. Martin, iii., 83.—M. P. 57.- We are informed by Mr. Gibbon, that nature has denied to the soil and climate of Assyria some of her choicest gifts, the vine, the olive, and the fig-tree. This might have been the case in the age of Ammianus Marcellinus, but it is not so at the present day; and it is a curious fact, that the grape, the olive, and the fig, are the most common fruits in the province, and may be seen in every garden. Macdonald Kinneir, Geogr. Mem. on Persia, p. 239.-M. * P. 58. Libanius says that it was a great city of Assyria, called after the name of the reigning king: ἦν πόλις Ασσυρίων μεγάλη τοῦ τότε βασιλεύοντος ἐπώνυμος. The orator of Antioch is not mistaken. The Persians and Syrians called it Fyrouz Schapour or Fyrouz Schahbour; in Persian, the victory of Schahpour. It owed that name to Sapor the First. It was before called Anbar. St. Martin, iii., 85.-M. P. 59. And as guilty of a double treachery, having first engaged to surrender the city, and afterward valiantly defended it. Gibbon, perhaps, should have noticed this charge, though he may have rejected it as improbable. Compare Zosimus, iii., 23.-M. P. 62. This is a mistake, each vessel (according to Zosimus, two, according to Ammianus, five) had eighty men. Amm., xxiv., 6, with Wagner's note. Gibbon must have read octogenas for octogenis. The five vessels selected for this purpose were remarkably large and strong provision transports. The strength of the fleet remained with Julian to carry over the army.-M. P. 62. It is evident that Gibbon has mistaken the sense of Libanius; they can only apply to a commander of a detachment, not to so eminent a person as the Prefect of the East. St. Martin, iii., 113.—M. P. 63.-* The suburbs of Ctesiphon, according to a new fragment of Eunapius, were so full of provisions, that the soldiers were in danger of suffering from excess. Mai, p. 260. Eunapius in Niebuhr, Nov. Byz. Coll., 68. Julian exhibited warlike dances and games in his camp to recreate the soldiers. Ibid.-M. P. 69.-* A very remarkable fragment of Eunapius describes, not without spirit, the struggle between the terror of the army on account of their perilous situation, and their grief for the death of Julian. "Even the vulgar felt that they would soon provide a general, but such a general as Julian they would never find, even though a god in the form of man-λúσтоç Oɛòç. Julian, who, with a mind equal to the divinity, triumphed over the evil propensities of human nature; ** who held commerce with immaterial beings while yet in the material body; who condescended to rule because a ruler was necessary to the welfare of mankind." Mai, Nov. Coll., ii., 261. Eunapius in Niebuhr, 69. The Tλαoтòç bɛòs, to which Julian is thus advantageously compared, is manifestly, as M. Mai observes, a bitter sneer at the Incarnate Deity of the Christians. The fragment is followed by an indignant comment by some Christian writer. Ibid.-M. P. 70. The soldiers supposed that the acclamations proclaimed the name of Julian, restored, as they fondly thought, to health, not that of Jovian. Amm. in loc. -M. P. 71.-*Sermanray, called by the Arabs Samira, where D'Anville placed Samara, is too much to the south, and is a modern town built by Calif Motasem. Serra-manrai means in Arabic, it rejoices every one who sees it. St. Martin, iii., 133.-M. P. 72. He is called Junius by John Malala; the same, M. St. Martin conjectures, with a satrap of Gordyene named Jovianus or Jovinianus, mentioned in Ammianus Marcellinus, xviii., 6.-M. P. 72.- The Persian historians couch the message of Shah-pour in these Oriental terms. "I have reassembled my numerous army. I am resolved to avenge my subjects, who have been plundered, made captives, and slain. It is for this that I have bared my arm girded my loins. If you consent to pay the price of the blood which has been shed, to deliver up the booty which has been plundered, and to restore the city of Nisibis, which is in Irak, and belongs to our empire, though now in your possession, I will sheath the sword of war; but should you refuse these terms, the hoofs of my horse, which are hard as steel, shall efface the name of the Romans from the earth and my glorious cimeter, that destroys like fire, shall exterminate the people of your empire." These authorities do not mention the death of Julian. Malcolm's Persia, i., 87.-M. : P. 72.-The Paschal chronicle, not, as M. St. Martin says, supported by John Malala, places the mission of this ambassador before the death of Julian. The king of Persia was then in Persarmenia, ignorant of the death of Julian; he only arrived at the army subsequent to that event. St. Martin adopts this view, and finds, or extorts support for it, from Libanius and Ammianus, iii., 158.-M. P. 72.-Yet this appears to be the case (in modern maps); the march is the difficulty.-M. P. 72.- Sapor availed himself, a few years after, of the dissolution of the alliance between the Romans and the Armenians. See St. M., iii., 163.-M. P. 74.- * Hatra, now Kadhr.-Ur, Kasr, or Skervidgi.-Thilsaphata is unknown. M. P. 79. Dadastana is supposed to be Castabat.-M. P. 80.-* Symmachus, in a fragment of an oration published by M. Mai, describes Valentinian as born among the snows of Illyria, and habituated to military labour amid the heat and dust of Libya: genitus in frigoribus, educatus in solibus. Sym. Orat. Frag., edit. Niebuhr, p. 5.-M. P. 81. According to Ammianus, he wrote elegantly, and was skilled in painting and modelling. Scribens decorè, venustèque pingens et fingens, xxx., 7.—M. P. 82.- Symmachus praises the liberality of Valentinian in raising his brother at once to the rank of Augustus, not training him through the slow and probationary degree of Cæsar. Exigui animi vices munerum partiuntur, tua liberalitas desideriis nihil reliquit. Symm. Orat., p. 7, edit. Niebuhr, Berlin, 1816, reprinted from Mai. -M. P. 83.-* Ipse supra impacati Rheni semibarbaras ripas raptim vexilla constituens. Princeps creatus ad difficilem militiam revertisti. Symm. Orat., 81.-M. ** P. 84. It may be suspected, from a |