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has butchered the son and relations of a king, who gave him power to sit on the same throne with his own sons.-I have been informed, that he labours by bis emissaries to prevent your determining any thing against him in his absence ; pretending that I magnify my distress, and might, for him, have staid in peace in my own kingdom. But, if ever the time comes, when the due vengeance from above shall overtake him, he will then dissemble as I do. Then be, who now, hardened in wickedness, triumphs over those whom his violence has laid low, will, in his turn, feel distress, and suffer for his impious ingratitude to my father, and his blood-thirsty cruelty to my brother.

Oh murdered, butchered brother! Oh dearest to my heartnow gone for ever from my sight!—but why should I lament his death? He is, indeed, deprived of the blessed light of heaven, of life, and kingdom, at once, by the very person who ought to have been the first to hazard his own life, in defence of any one of Micipsa's family. But, as things are, my brother is not so much deprived of these comforts, as delivered from terror, from flight, from exile, and the endless train of miseries wbich render life to me a burden. He lies full low, gored with wounds, and festering in his own blood. But he lies in peace, He feels none of the miseries which rend my soul with agony and distraction, while I am set up a spectacle to all mankind, of the uncertainty of human affairs. So far from having it in my power to punish his murderer, I am not master of the means of securing my own life. So far from being in a condition to defend my kingdom from the violence of the usurper; I am obliged to apply for foreign protection for my own person..

Fathers ! Senators of Rome ! the arbiters of nations ! to you I fly for refuge from the murderous fury of Jugurtha.By your affection for your children; by your love for your country: by your own virtues; by the majesty of the Roman commonwealth ; by all that is sacred, and all that is dear to vou-deliver a wretched prince from undeserved, upprovoked injury; and save the kingdom of Numidia, which is your own property, from being the prey of violence, usurpation, and cruelty.

SECTION III. The APOSTLE PAUL's noble defence before Festus and AGRIPPA.

Agrippa said upto Paul, thou art permitted to speak for thyself. Then Paul stretched forth his hand, and answered for himself.


I think myself happy, king Agrippa, because I shall answer for myself this day before thee, concerning all the things whereof I am accused by the Jews: especially, as I know thee to be expert in all customs and questions which are among the Jews. Wherefore I beseech thee to hear me patiently.

My manner of life from my youth, which was at the first among my owo nation at Jerusalem, know all the Jews ; who knew me from the beginning, (if they would testify,) that after the straitest sect of our religion, I lived a Pharisee. And now I stand and am judged for the hope of the promise made by God to our fathers; to which promise, our twelve tribes, continually serving God day and night, hope to come : and, for this hope's sake, king Agrippa, I am accus. ed by the Jews.

Why should it be thought a thing incredible with you, that God should raise the dead? I verily thought with mysell, that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth: and this I did in Jerusalem. Many of the saints I shut up in prison, baving received authority from the chief priests: and wben they were put to death, I gave my voice against them. And I often punished them in every synagogie and compelled them to blaspheme: and being exceedingly mad against them, I persecuted them even onto strange cities. But as I went to Damascus, with authority and commission from the chief priests, at mid-day, O king ! I saw in the way a light from heaven,above the brightness of the sun, shining round about me, and them who journeyed with me. And when we were all fallen to the earth, I heard a voice speaking to me and saying, in the Hebrew tongue, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? It is hard for thee to kick against the pricks. And I said, who art thou, Lord ? And he replied, I am Jesus whom thou persecutest. But rise, and stand upon thy feet : for I have appeared to thee for this purpose, to make thee a minister; and a witness, both of these things, which thou hast seen, and of those things in wbicb I will appear to thee; delivering thee from the people, and from the Gentiles, to whom I now send thee, to open their eyes, and to turn them from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan to God; that they may receive forgiveness of sips, and inheritance amongst them who are sanctified by faith that is in me.

Whereupon, Oking Agrippa! I was not disobedient to the heavenly vision ; but showed first to them of Damascus, and at Jerusalem, and through all the coasts of Judea, and then to the Gentiles, that they should repent, and turn to God, and do works meet for repentance. For these causes, the Jews caught me in the temple ; aod went about to kill me. Having, however, obtained belp from God, I continue to this day, witnessing both to small and great, saying no other things than those which the prophets and Moses declared should come : that Christ should suffer ; that he would be the first who should rise from the dead; and that he would show light to the people, and to the Gentiles.

And as he thus spoke for bimself, Festus said, with a loud voice, “Paul, thou art beside thyself; much learning hath made thee mad.” But he replied, I am not mad, most noble Festus; but speak the words of truth and soberness. For the king knoweth these things, before whom I also speak freely. I am persuaded that none of these things are bidden from him : for this thing was not done in a corner. King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets ? I know that thou Lelievest. Then Agrippa said to Paul, “ Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian." And Paul replied, " I would to God, that not only thou, but also all that hear me this day, were both almost, and altogether such as I am,'except these bonds."*



LORD Mansfield's speech in the House of Peers, 1770, on

the bill for preventing the delays of justice, by claiming the Privilege of Parliament.

MY LORDS, When I consider the importance of this bill to your Lordships, I am not surprised it has taken up so much of your consideration. It is a bill, indeed, of no common magnitude ; it is no less than to take away from two thirds of the legislative body of this great kingdom,certain privileges and immunities of which they have been long possessed. Perhaps there is no situation the human mind can be placed in, that is so difficult and so trying, as when it is made a judge in its own cause,

* How happy was this great Apostle, even in the most perilous circumstances ! nough under bonds and oppression, his inind was free, and raised above every fear of man. With what dignity and composure does be defend himself, and the noble cause he had espoused; whilst he displays the most compassionate and generous feelings. for those who were strangers to the sublinie religion by which he was animated!

There is something implanted in the breast of man so attached to self, so tenacious of privileges once obtained, that in such a sítuation, either to discuss with impartiality, or decide with justice, has ever been held the summit of all hu. man virtue. The bill now in question puts your lordships in this very predicament; and I have no doubt the wisdom of yoor decision will convince the world, that where self-interest and justice are in opposite scales, the latter will ever preponderate with your lordships.

Privileges have been granted to legislators in all ages, and in all countries. The practice is founded in wisdom; and, indeed, it is peculiarly essential to the constitution of this country, that the members of both houses should be free in their persons, in cases of civil suits : for there may come a time when the safety and welfare of this whole empire, may depend upon their attendance in parliament. I am far from advising anymeasure that would in future endanger the state: but the bill before your lordships has, I am confident, no such tendency; for it expressly secures, the persons of members of either house in all civil suits. This being the case, I confess, when I see many noble lords, for whose judgment I have a very great respect, standing up to oppose a bill which is calculated merely to facilitate the recovery of just and legal debts, I am astonished and amazed. They, I doubt not, oppose the bill upon public principles: I would not wish to insinnate, that private interest had the least weight in their determination,

The bill has been frequently proposed, and as frequently bas miscarried: but it was always lost in the lower house. Little did I think, en it had passed the commons, that it possibly could have met with such opposition here. Shall it be said, that you, my lords, the grand council of the nation, the highest judicial and legislative body of the realm, endeavour to evade, by privilege, those very laws which you enforce on your fellow-subjects ? Forbid it justice !-I am sure, were the noble lords as well acquainted as I am, with but half the difficulties and delays occasioned in the courts of justice, under pretence of privilege, they would not, nay they could not, oppose this bill.

I have waited with patience to hear what arguments might be urged against this bill; but I have waited in vain : the truth is, there is no argument that can weigh against it. The jnstice and expediency of the bill are such as render it selfovideot. It is a proposition of that nature, wbich can neither


be weakened by argument, nor entangled with sophistry. Mucb, indeed, has been said by some noble lords, on the wisdom of our ancestors, and how differently they thought from

They not only decreed, that privilege should prevent all civil suitsfrom proceeding during the sitting of parliament but likewise granted protection to the very servants of members. I shall say nothing on the wisdom of our ancestors, it might perhaps appear invidious: that is not necessary in the present case. sball only say, that the noble lords who flatter themselves with the weight of that reflection, should remember, that as circumstances alter,thingsthemselves should alter. Formerly, it was not so fashionable either for masters or servants to run in debt, as it is at present. Formerly, we were not that great commercial nationwe are al present; nor formerlywere merchants and manufacturers members of parliament as at present. The case is now very different: both merchaots & manufacturers are, with great propriety, elected members of the lower house. Commerce having thus got into the legislative body of the kingdom, privilege must be done away. We all know, that the very soul and essence of trade are regular payments; and sad experience teaches us, that there are men, whowill not make their regular payments without the compulsive power of the laws. The law then ought to be equally open to all. Any exemption to particular, men, or particular ranks of men, is, in a free and commercial country, a solecism of the grossest nature,

But I will not trouble your lordships with arguments for that, which is sufficiently evident without any. I shall only say a few words to some noble lords, who foresee much inconvenience, from the persons of their servants oeing liable to be arrested. One noble lord observes, that the coachman of a peer may be arrested, while he is driving his master to the house, and that consequently, he will not be able to attend his duty in parliament. If this were actually to happen, there are so many methods by which the member might still get to the house, that I can hardly think the noble lord is serious in his objection. Another noble peer said, That by this bill, one might lose bis most valuable and honest servants, This I hold to be a contradiction in terms: for he can neither 'be a valuable servant, nor an honest man, who gets into debt which he is neither able nor willing to pay,till compelled by the law. If my servant hy unforeseen accidents bas got into debt, and I still wish to retain bim, I certainly would pay the demand, But upon no principle of liberal legislation

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