92-94] TUNICAM REDDERE. TOTIDEM VILLAS. FERCULA. 133

meo nomine, after having been lavishly generous in playing, as I usually am. For if I had enforced the throws, manus, which I allowed to be revoked, or had kept all that I gave away, I should have won, vicissem, even 50,000.' 93 ET... NON II 140-1. Mühlmann HORRENTI TUNICAM NON REDDERE SERVO Pers. 1 54 scis comitem horridulum trita donare lacerna. Iuv. Ix 68 quid dicam scapulis puerorum aquilone Decembri?

1 834-5.

TUNICAM VI 477. Plaut. Amph. 368. Hor. s. 11 8 70 praecincti recte pueri. Sen. de brev. vit. 12 § 5. Free labourers also wore the tunic alone Hor. ep. 1 7 65 tunicato... popello. Rich, companion. Cato r. r. 59 (60) recommends an allowance of one tunic of 33 ft. and 1 sagum to each slave every two years; the old ones to be returned, in order to be made up into centones. REDDERE often does not imply giving back; in Lucr. to assign as a property Munro on 11 96, add 11 512. Hor. a. p. 9. Here, as with epistulas, mandata, legata the word, like its derivative 'render,' means to give as in duty bound Oud. on Suet. Tib. 16.

94-126 Our forefathers built fewer mansions, nor dined in solitary state on 7 courses; [their board was at once hospitable and frugal]; now a scanty dole is set out to be scrambled for by the crowd of retainers in full Roman costume [costly and cumbrous] at the utmost threshold [for they may not venture further]; yet [sorry as the largess is] the patron scans your face with a jealous eye, fearing imposture; satisfy him of your identity, and you will receive. He bids the crier invite the very flower of Rome's nobility, who date from Troy itself, for they too throng the threshold with us poor. Each in the order of his rank; praetor first, next tribune.' But a freedman cries: First come, first served; why should I fear to hold my ground, though a Syrian born, as the tell-tale windows in my ears would prove, if I cared to deny it? But five shops' rents bring up my estate to the knight's four hundred; what is Corvinus the better for his laticlave, if he is fain to keep a grazier's flocks at Laurentum, while I am wealthier than Pallas and Licinus?' Let tribunes wait, let not him make way for their sacred persons, who but late had come to Rome with pipe-clayed feet [a slave for sale in the market], for wealth is the one god we worship, though Money may not yet dwell in temples, nor altars smoke to Cash, as Peace Faith Victory Virtue are adored, and Concord [whose stork] after greeting her nest hovers over it clattering. But when a consul at the year's end casts up the proceeds of the dole, when the dole has a column to itself among a consul's receipts, what are poor clients to do, to whom the dole alone brings firing, food and clothing? a crowd of litters [of the great and noble] claims the 'hundred mites,' and the wife bedrid or pregnant is borne after her husband. One, a master of the craft, shews an empty chair, with curtains closed: "Tis my wife Galla; keep a lady waiting! Galla, shew yourself; nay, don't rouse her, she will be asleep.' 94 QUIS avus. EREXIT VILLAS X 225. XIV 86-95 n. 275 centum villas. Mart. vII 73 asks one who had houses on the Esquiline and Aventine, in the vicus patricius, near Cybele's temple and near Vesta's, near the old and the new Iuppiter, dic, ubi conveniam: dic, qua te parte requiram? | quisquis ubique habitat, Maxime, nusquam habitat. Plin. xvIII § 32 the estate of Lucullus could not contain his villa. Sen. ep. 90 § 25 capacia populorum tecta. § 43 the ancients non habebant domos instar urbium. FERCULA V 80-83. vii 184. x1 64. Prop. v=IV 4 76. Hor. s. II 6 104. See the order of courses ib. 8 10,42,85. Philo vit. contempl. 6 11 479 M. seven tables and more are brought in, charged with all products of land

TOTIDEM

134

FERCULA CENTUM. SECRETO. SPORTULA. [I 94 95

and sea and rivers and air.' Augustus Suet. 74 gave 3 fercula, or at the utmost 6. Pertinax Capitol. 12, before he was emperor, never exceeded 3. Sen. ep. 95 § 18 multos morbos multa fercula fecerunt. ib. § 27 of a made dish multorum ferculorum ornamenta coeant et cohaereant. 122 § 3 licet epulis et quidem in multa fercula discretis totum perversae vigiliae tempus educant. n. q. iv 13 § 6 distentos copia ferculorum ac varietate comessatio altius mersit. ib. III 18 § 2 cited on IV 59. Petron. 21 excepti...pluribus ferculis cum laberemur in somnum. Calpurn. 4 167. The courses were served up in succession Petron. 35 seq. Plin. XXXIII § 136. Lamprid. Elag. 25. Elagabalus ib. 30 once gave a dinner of 22 courses, the guests bathing after each; at another time the several courses were served at the houses of several friends, the guests passing from one to the other (here missus and fercula are used as equivalent). Ferculum (fericulum from fero) is a waiter; one in Petron. 35, 36 contained 12 several dishes of meat, fish, fowl, fruit and vegetables, arranged on the signs of the zodiac; the company seeming disappointed, the upper part of the ferculum was removed, and rarer dainties (capons, hares, sow's paunch, fish with rich sauce) appeared beneath. Marquardt v (1) 335—6. Becker Gallus 3 232-3. On the ancient simplicity see x1 77-89. Cato ap. Serv. Aen. I 726 cl. 637 et in atrio [i.e. not secreto] et duobus ferculis epulabantur antiqui. On the various laws which from the lex Orchia B.c. 181 (?) downwards endeavoured to restrain the amount spent in feasting, the number of guests, the kinds of provision, see Rein in Pauly vi 1507-11. VM. г 9 § 5. Gell. 11 24. Plin. x § 139. Macr. II 13. Tert. apol. 6. Paulin. vit. Ambros. 1 barley bread is sweet even to those, qui centenis vicibus ferculorum quotidiani convivii copias ructare consuerunt. 95 SECRETO 135-141.

VM. II 5 § 5 the simplicity of the ancient diet, maximis viris prandere in propatulo verecundiae non erat, nec sane ullas epulas habebant, quas populi oculis subicere erubescerent. Suet. Aug. 70 cena quoque eius secretior in fabulis fuit, at which the guests wore the habit of the 12 gods and goddesses. Epicurus in Sen. ep. 19 § 10' choose your company first, and then your provision. For it is a lion's life or a wolf's to gorge without a friend,' sine amico visceratio. Lucian epist. Sat. 34 has the same comparison. Plut. qu. conv. vIII 65 § 2 p. 726 derives cena from Kolos, prandium being a solitary, cena a social meal; mensa too § 5 άπо τῆς ἐν μέσῳ θέσεως. VII pr. § 1 p. 697 a Roman who dined alone said, 'he had eaten that day, but had not dined.' Ameipsias in Athen. 8 e epp' ès κόρακας μονοφάγε καὶ τοιχώρυχε. St. Chrysostom was accused Phot. cod. 59 p. 19 a 1 B. ὅτι τὴν φιλοξενίαν ἀθετεῖ, μονοσιτίαν ἐπιτηδεύων. For the thought cf. Hor. c. 11 15 13,14 privatus illis census erat brevis, commune magnum. FERCULA CENAVIT Hor. ep. 1 15 34 patinas. SPORTULA 118, 128. originally σTupís, a wicker basket in which the poor carried away their portion of meat from a visceratio or public entertainment with sacrifice. By Nero Suet. 16 publicae cenae ad sportulas redactae; i. e. he substituted for a seat at the feast a portion of meat, which was soon commuted for a sum of money. Suet. Claud. 21 extraordinarium et breve dierumque paucorum [munus], quodque appellare coepit sportulam, quia primum daturus edixerat, velut ad subitam condictamque cenulam invitare se populum; where sp. is used (as in Mart. VIII 50 10 promissa est nobis sportula, recta data est) of a slight, hasty meal. Domitian Suet. 7 sportulas publicas sustulit, revocata rectarum cenarum consuetudine; i. e. in large, public entertainments he forbad the distribution of money. Private patrons complied with this rule; but it is

96-100] PRIMO LIMINE. INSPICIT. TROIUGENAE.

135

only in Mart. III, written 84-88 A.D. that we find mention of the actual entertainment of clients instead of the distribution of 25 asses; the change being inconvenient to the patrons and ruinous to the clients, who had no other means of providing rent and clothing, was soon abandoned. Friedländer 13 349-356. Becker Gallus 113 164-170. Marquardt v (1) 216— 220. PRIMO LIMINE 100 n. 132 n. 1 124. vir 91. Suet. Tib. 32 hunc Romae salutandi causa pro foribus adstantem. The expression primo limine Aen. 11 469. vi 427. Stat. Th. III 579. s. v 3 72. 96 PARVA Mart. 11 7 1-2 centum miselli iam valete quadrantes,] anteambulonis congiarium lassi. x 75 11 sportula nos iunxit [M. and Galla, another instance of women receiving the sportula] quadrantibus arida centum. 96 SEDET II 120 cena sedet. IV 74.

Ov. tr. II 481 parva sedet ternis instructa tabella lapillis. TURBAE .. TOGATAE Prop. v=IV 2 56. Mart. vI 48 quod tam grande sophos clamat tibi turba togata, | non tu, Pomponi, cena diserta tua est. TOGATAE II 127 n. 172 n.

97 ILLE the patron.

INSPICIT pries into Mart. VI 82 1-4 quidam me modo, Rufe, diligenter | inspectum, velut emptor aut lanista, | cum vultu digitoque subnotasset, 'tune es, tune' ait ille Martialis?' Used of the augur's scrutiny Iuv. 111 45 n., the physician's Plaut. Pers. II 5 15 morbum; the buyer's Sen. ep. 47 § 16 qui equum empturus non ipsum inspicit. M. Sen. contr. Ix 28 § 11 p. 279 4 cum diceret se nepotem suum non videre velle, sed inspicere. Mühlmann inspectio, inspecto, inspector, inspicio. 98 SUPPO

SITUS the nomenclatores took bribes from such intruders Amm. xiv 6 § 16 mercede accepta lucris quosdam et prandiis inserunt ignobiles et obscuros. FALSO NOMINE POSCAS dig. XLVII 2 52 (53) § 11 if any one has given a baker orders to supply fine flour to any one who should call for it in his name, and a bystander, hearing the order, petiit eius nomine, the baker may bring an action for theft.

99 AGNITUS the nomenclator kept a visitors' book' Sen. ben. vi 33 § 4 istos tu libros, quos vix nomenclatorum complectitur aut memoria aut manus, amicorum existimas esse? Plin. XXIX § 19 alienis pedibus ambulamus, alienis oculis agnoscimus, aliena memoria salutamus. Amm. XIV 6 §§ 12, 13 a stranger to Rome, going for the first time to wait upon the great, is received as if he had been long desired, and is enchanted to receive such attentions from men of their rank. Let him next day repeat his visit; he will find that he is not known, but again asked who he is and whence he comes. Recognised at last, agnitus vero tandem, if he is received into favour, and pays assiduous court to his patron for three years, and then after three years' absence returns, he must resume the same process from the beginning.' 100 IPSOS... IPSI 15 n. TROIUGENAS VIII 181. XI 95. VIII 56 Teucrorum proles. cf. 111 239 n. Pers. 14 Troiades. Varro (Serv. Aen. v 704) and Hyginus ib. 389 wrote de familiis Troianis, the Roman families which traced their pedigree to Troy. Among them were the Iulii vii 42 n. To Schwegler's list I 16, 283, 334-6 add the Quinctilii Philostr. soph. II 1 § 25, where Herodes Atticus, observing the deference which M. Aurelius paid to them, said, 'I blame Homer's Zeus also for loving the Trojans.' The wife of Herodes traced her descent to Aeneas Böckh 6280 в 3. Klausen Aeneas and G. C. Lewis credibility c. 9 have collected the authorities on the Trojan origin of Rome. Dionys. 1 85 states that about 50 Trojan families' existed in his days; certainly an exaggeration. See Friedländer 13 201-3. Mommsen on the patrician gentes in Rhein. Mus. 3 Folge xv1 356 and röm. Gesch. 13 101. B. c. 239 Acarnanian envoys, seeking the friendship of Rome

136 TROIUGENAE VEXANT LIMEN. FREEDMEN. [I 100-102

(Thirlwall) dexterously employed the fable of Rome's Trojan origin, to flatter the vanity of the great families, and to recommend their suit, on the ground that the Acarnanians alone among the Greeks had kept aloof from the expedition against Troy Iust. xXVIII 1 § 6. Strab. 462. It was probably the first time they had ever boasted of the omission of their name in the Homeric catalogue.' Liv. xxv 12 § 5 a prophecy of Marcius before B. C. 212 styled the Romans Tr. amnem, Troiugena, fuge Cannam. Claudius Suet. 25 Iliensibus, quasi Romanae gentis auctoribus, tributa in perpetuum remisit, citing a letter in which Rome offered Seleucus [Philopator B. c. 187-175] friendship, on condition that he would free their kinsmen of Ilium from every burden. Ilium, which was identified with Troy, was visited by Lucan and other pilgrims Friedländer 112 70-72. By Lucr. 11 the Roman people are called Aeneadae; by Sil. XIV 117. XVI 658 Troiugenae; cf. for the form Graiugena.

VEXANT Hor. s. 1 8 18. Suet. Aug. 53 officia cum multis mutuo exercuit, nec prius dies cuiusque sollemnes frequentare desiit, quam grandi iam natu et in turba quondam sponsaliorum die vexatus.

VEXANT LIMEN ET IPSI 117-126. III 128-130, 239-242. Stat. s. 1 2 233-5 omnis honos [Iuv. 117], cuncti veniunt ad limina fasces, | omnis plebeio teritur praetexta tumultu; hinc eques, hinc iuvenum coetu stola mixta laborat. Sen. ad Marc. 10 § 1 ampla atria et exclusorum clientium turba referta vestibula. ben. vi 34 e. g. § 1 magno aestimare introitum ac tactum sui liminis; in the house multa ostia, quae receptos quoque excludant. § 2 Gracchus and Livius Drusus first sorted their friends into classes. habuerunt itaque isti amicos primos, habuerunt secundos, numquam veros. § 3 amicum vocas, cuius disponitur salutatio? [Iuv. 101]... cuius volgare et publicum verbum et promiscuum ignotis have non nisi suo ordine emittitur? § 4 ad quemcunque itaque istorum veneris, quorum salutatio urbem concutit, scito, etiamsi animadverteris obsessos ingenti frequentia vicos et commeantium in utramque partem catervis itinera conpressa, tamen venire te in locum hominibus plenum, amicis vacuum. § 5 in pectore amicus, non in atrio quaeritur. ep. 84 § 12 intueris illas potentium domos, illa tumultuosa rixa salutantium limina? multum habent contumeliarum, ut intres, plus, cum intraveris.

ET IPSI Mart. 11 18 capto tuam, pudet heu, sed capto, Maxime, cenam: | tu captas aliam; iam sumus ergo pares. | mane salutatum venio : tu diceris isse | ante salutatum; iam sumus ergo pares. | sum comes ipse tuus tumidique anteambulo regis: | tu comes alterius; iam sumus ergo pares. | esse sat est servum: iam nolo vicarius esse; qui rex est, regem, Maxime, non habeat. XII 26. Martial does not however speak of these senators as receiving the sportula. Many illustrious families fell into great poverty e. g. that of Hortensius Tac. an. 11 37, 38. Cic. Tusc. III § 48 the famous Piso Frugi had always opposed the corn law of C. Gracchus; but when it was passed, consularis ad frumentum accipiundum venerat. Gracchus charged him with inconsistency; he replied Nolim mea bona, Gracche, tibi viritim dividere libeat, sed si facias, partem petam. 101 NOBISCUM Iuv., according to the lives, was libertini locupletis incertum filius an alumnus. cf. iv 98 unde fit, ut malim fraterculus esse gigantis. DA says the master to the PRAETORI III 128.

dispensator. 102 LIBERTINUS III 58--125, 131. xiv 329-331 n. The officers of the court, secretaries, treasurers etc. were slaves or freedmen, who attained to great power and wealth; by this avenue the provincials might surpass the native Romans Friedländer 13 64–114. Wallon hist. de l'esclavage

102-104] SYRIAN SLAVES. IN AURE FENESTRAE.

137

II 394-446, 478-492. Becker II (1) 78-89. Rein in Pauly. Trimalchio in Petron. 76 inherits from his master patrimonium laticlavium. DHal. Iv 24 speaks of the glory of the Roman franchise as sullied by many who purchased their freedom by poisonings, brigandage, burglary, etc. Claudius, on the other hand, on a wide survey of Roman history, Tac. XI 24, found precedents for the most liberal hospitality, libertinorum filiis magistratus mandari non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. The same Claudius Suet. 25 libertinos, qui se pro equitibus Romanis agerent, publicavit. We see from Hor. s. 1 6 6, 38–41, 45-50, 89-131, the jealousy with which the 'new blood' was regarded. Lateranus, when Nero's freedman Epaphroditus took him to task for some offence that he had given, replied Epictet. I 1 § 20 av Tɩ Đéλw, ¿pŵ σου τῷ κυρίῳ. PRIOR see on the struggle for the first EGO ADSUM elision in this place

place III 243-8.

·

II 23, 159. XIV 202. xv 155, 161. 104 NATUS AD EUPHRATEM III 62-66, 83. Sidon. ep. vII 17 5 natus ad Euphratem, pro Christo ergastula passus. Cic. de prov. cons. § 10 Iudaeis et Syris, nationibus natis servituti. Liv. xxxv 49 § 8. XXXVI 17 § 5. Eunus, the able leader in the first servile war, B. c. 141 or 134— 132, was a Syrian, and called himself Antiochus and his troops Syrians Liv. epit. 56. DS. XXXIV 2 §§ 5, 24. In Palestine it was not unusual for parents to sell their children exod. 21 7; or for a man to give himself up to slavery Levit. 25 39. Syrian slaves gen. 15 2. 1 chron. 7 14. On the trade see Joel 3 3, 8. Amos 1 6, 9. 1 Macc. 3 41. 2 Macc. 8 11, 25. Hebrew slaves Deut. 28 68. Is. 11 11. Neh. 5 8. Esth. 7. 4. In the days of the Maccabees and after the wars of Pompeius the Phoenicians drove a brisk trade in Syrian slaves; the great mart was Delos, where myriads were sold in a day Strab. 668-9; the profits of the sale formed the chief attraction of piracy to the Cilicians. In the Jewish war Ios. vI 9 § 3 97,000 Jews were taken prisoners. The Jews of the diaspora' were mostly freedmen; in Rome there was a Jewish quarter beyond the Tiber (Philo leg. ad G. 23 11 568 M. Tac. an. 11 85). The countries beyond the Euphrates teemed with Jews Philo ib. 31 11 578 M. Movers Phöniz. 11 (3) 70-86. Winer Realwörterb. Libertiner, Rom, Sklaven. Credner Einl. 1 380. comment. on Acts 6 9. Syrians served in Greece and Italy as bakers, cooks, hairdressers, singers, dancers; Syrus, Syriscus, Syra, Syrisca, are standing slave characters in Greek and Roman comedy. Iuv. vi 351. Cic. de or. 11 § 265 Syri venales. in Pis. § 1. The author Publilius Syrus retained in his name the memory of his bondage. Cappadocian (vir 15 n.) and Armenian slaves (Liban. ep. 725) were also numerous. MOLLES Tert. pall. 4 aurem foratu effeminatus. FENESTRAE earrings of the Hebrew boys exod. 32 2. cf. gen. 35 4; of the Midianites judges 8 24. Xen. anab. III 1 § 31 'he has no concern with Boeotia or any part of Greece, for I saw him, like a Lydian' ¿upóтepa тà ŵτα TETρUTηuévov. DChr. 32 p. 654 R. ascribes the practice to Phrygians and Lydians. Plaut. Poen. v 2 20, 21 Milphio says of Carthaginian slaves that they have no fingers in their hands, quia incedunt cum anulatis auribus. So the kings of Babylon (Nicol. Dam. fr. 3 111 360 Müller) and of Syria (Suid. Móßia), the Africans (Plut. Cic. 26 § 3. apophth. Cic. 9 p. 206 b. qu. conv. ir 1 4 § 4 p. 631. Macr. VII 3 § 7 Octavius, reputed of African descent, complained that he could not hear Cicero, who replied certe solebas bene foratas habere aures), the Mauri (Dio LXXVIII 11 § 1), Arabs (Petron. 102 pertunde aures, ut imitemur Arabes), Indians (Curt. VIII 9 § 21. IX 1 § 30. Strab. 712. Arr. Ind. 16 § 3 says the rings were of

IN AURE