port the "fez,” their universal national cap, from Austria, and their Turkish bath towels from England.

Such, then, are the Capitulations and treaty rights" which Turkey has abrogated. They are privileges and exemptions which are not recognized by international law or by any Power as inherent rights either of subjects of a country or of aliens within its borders. They were granted by Turkey under conditions that have largely changed, and for a great variety of reasons. Conditions of self

interest at the time have doubtless been dominant in the minds of the Turks; but it is likewise true that many valuable concessions have been given away because the Turks had no appreciation of their value.

Among the most important of the Capitulations are those which concern special franchises to religious communities and orders, exempting their institutions from taxation or even import duties, and granting to ecclesiastics immunity of person, domicile, and exercise of functions. These religious concessions have been based upon what was felt by the Turks themselves to be an internal necessity for a state founded upon the Koran, namely, the provision of a modus vivendi in the presence of non-Moslems, for whom the Koran provided no legal status in keeping with the demands of progress and modern civilization. It has been maintained that the Koran prohibits peaceful relations between true believers and non-Mohammedans living on Moslem soil. The Turkish rulers, seeing the necessity of avoiding friction with their Christian subjects and with foreign Powers, seem to have resorted to extra-territoriality as a device for relieving their own consciences in relaxing the severity of the Multeka or canon of Turkish law.

It is true that many privileges which Turkey granted long years ago as a matter of expediency or in a spirit of liberality or indifference to their value have during her decline been incorporated as rights in treaties with foreign governments. These treaties or diplomatic contracts were not infrequently obtained from Turkey under duress by foreign countries which did not scruple to turn her weakness to selfish advantage. In 1830 the United States made its first treaty with Turkey. This contained the "favored nation " clause, and by it we obtained the same extraterritorial rights as the great European nations.

For many years Turkey has been restive under these restrictions of her sovereignty.

They have been galling to her national pride, have injured her prestige, and have sapped her economic strength and development. The United States has from time to time voluntarily yielded some of these extra-territorial rights at the request of Turkey and as a matter of fairness; but the European countries, as a rule, have been loth to release Turkey from any of her engagements without a substantial quid pro quo. Often the "quid" demanded in the shape of commercial or diplomatic advantages has been worth more than the "quo."

Such being the origin and character of the Capitulations, it is not hard to understand, and even to justify, the action of Turkey from the standpoint of a self-respecting sovereign power. She has undertaken to do at a stroke of the pen what Japan secured through the negotiation of new treaties after winning her spurs in the wars with China and with Russia. Turkey is not depending upon her spurs for the success of this bold move so much as upon the present pandemonium in Europe and the preoccupation of the Christian Powers with their own troubles until she is able to get on her feet.

The question arises whether this action of Turkey will imperil the essential rights either of her own non-Moslem subjects or of foreigners in Turkey. Whether good or evil comes of it depends primarily on Turkey, but also on the treatment accorded to her, in this crisis of her development, by other countries. The full exercise of sovereignty will throw upon her full responsibility. The Ottoman Government has accompanied the abrogation of the Capitulations with assurances to this effect.

Pessimists may claim that there is no hope for Turkey because she is founded upon the Koran, and the Koran is unchanged and unchangeable. While the Koran cannot change, its interpretation, like that of the Bible, can become more enlightened. That this has actually taken place is shown by the new Constitution adopted in 1908 by a bloodless revolution that commanded the admiration of the world. This Constitution provides for a responsible Ministry, a Senate, a Chamber of Deputies, the right of public meeting, freedom of the press, the appointment of judges for life, compulsory education, religious liberty, and a long list of other rights and privileges belonging to an enlightened and free government. To this Constitution the Sultan swore fidelity upon the Koran

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friendly. As Talcott Williams has well said:

Many causes have combined, many factors are present, many influences have turned the hearts of men through that Empire (Turkey); but if we ask ourselves what the governing and final factor is which has brought about the first of the world's bloodless revolutions, which has seen a people divided and dissevered by creed, by race, by language, by every conceivable difference which can separate the sons and daughters of men, suddenly act together-we do ill if we forget that for eighty years the American missionaries have been laying the foundations and preaching the doctrine which makes free government possible."

It would therefore seem that the policy to be pursued by the United States, in view of Turkey's action, should be, without waiving any treaty or other rights, to withhold protest against Turkey's action, on condition that, and so long as, no essential rights of Americans are infringed. Turkey should be plainly told that we will hold her up to giving full justice according to modern standards. We should demand the same treatment that our citizens receive in other countries and that we accord the Turks in our own.

ened Mohammedans have repeatedly and with good reason declared: 'We have no government.' If Turkey's Moslem subjects cry out against their own Government, how could others accept it as satisfactory !

6. The traditional animosities between Mohammedans, Armenians, and Greeks would make the position of members of these Christian races, naturalized in other countries, intolerable upon their return to Turkey.

7. No Mchammedan country has ever entered the sisterhood of nations, nor can it do so unless it abandons Islam as the foundation of its law and order and adopts a constitution that recognizes the equal rights of all, and demonstrates its ability to administer that constitution in accordance with the traditions and laws of Christian nations.

Turkey is not ready to meet these conditions, and so is unprepared to assume responsibility for removing extra-territorial privileges from citizens of other countries.