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it defends that by saying that the German remain true that the diplomatists who carried General Staff was obliged to force this pas- on the negotiations and the military who put sage in order to avoid the necessity of meet- their weight of influence on the side of war ing the enemy on the most unfavorable were short-sighted when they should have ground, and that in the midst of arms the been wise, it is not fair to say of German laws are silent. As a consequence, these leaders and princes who are, like the common defenders of Germany have no word for the soldiers, risking their lives at the front, that advocacy of the keeping of treaties except they are solely responsible for the attitude of “hypocrisy.” Thus, Professor Münsterberg mind that brought on the war if it is really says that a neutrality treaty is not regarded as an inheritance of the whole nation. a contract, and that “it is nothing but sheer A German victory, therefore, would mean hypocrisy if the enemies of Germany, includ- a victory for this idea of national conduct : ing the Anglophile portion of the American that the self-interest of every nation is and press, behave as if this had not been common ought to be supreme, that the clash of interknowledge the world over." It ought not, in ests can be settled only by war, that in such view of this, to be surprising to find that in the a clash of interests treaties are of no account, letter “To the Evangelical Christians Abroad” and that the endeavor to regard such treaties religious leaders of Germany do not even con- as binding is hypocrisy. On the other hand, sider the possibility of referring the charges a victory for the Allies would mean the vicagainst Servia to an international tribunal to tory of the opposite idea: that in national ascertain whether they were true or not, but matters, as in individual matters, not selfdefend the action of Austria as

" the justifi

interest but duty is supreme, that the clash of able vengeance for an abominable royal mur- interests between nations is therefore capader." It ought not even to be surprising to ble of submission to the reason of the find that the non-military German is willing to nations, that the treaties should be regarded say, as Professor Münsterberg says of atroci- as enforceable, and that nations shall hereties, that everything that is not specifically for- after find the repudiation of such treaties bidden in war is to be regarded as allowed. costly.


This view of non-military Germany sets forth the substance of militarism ; for mili

THE PHILIPPINE BILL tarism does not consist in the existence of a large army or a large navy, but in a system The Philippine Bill now before Congress based upon faith in the military power as may be profitably compared with the previous supreme over all other forms of power and effort of Representative Jones to settle (or military considerations as more weighty than unsettle) the policy of the United States on all other considerations. If these five sources the Philippine question. of information correctly interpret the view of Two years ago Mr. Jones, who is still the Kaiser's people, then the Pan-Germanism Chairman of the Committee Insular of Bernhardi is not the fantastic dream of a Affairs, reported to Congress a bill the obsmall group who have happened to get con- ject of which was “to establish a qualified trol, but a belief that has been wrought into independent government for the Philippine the substance of the German masses. There Islands, and to fix the date when such qualiis reason why this should be so.

The man

fied independence shall become absolute and who has newly come into great wealth finds complete." According to the terms of that it difficult not to be governed by his desire bill, the probationary period after which the to emulate his wealthy neighbors and by his Republic of the Philippines " was to be fear for the safety of his possessions. Ger- finally cut loose from American control was many as a nation is young, and it has grown

eight years.

In that bill, even during the rich quickly. Its desire for a “ place in the proposed probationary period, power was sun” and its suspicions of its neighbors are granted to the nascent republic to make perhaps a natural product of its youth and treaties with foreign nations, subject to the its rapid rise. Moreover, Germany as approval of the United States, to appoint Empire was founded in aggressive warfare. ambassadors and other public ministers, coin It owes much of its material prosperity to its money, to make tariffs, and to regulate comarms. We do not condemn the Germans for merce with foreign nations. holding these views; but, though it still may As the minority report on the new Jones Bill,




which has just been submitted to Congress, date-independence, the success or failure of points out, Mr. Jones and his supporters which would be so vital both to the islands now declare that during the two years that and to the United States. It may be asked, have elapsed since their first drastic bill was however, Is the independence they do indefiintroduced “increasing evidence of the ca- nitely promise founded upon a just conceppacity of the Filipinos to manage their own tion of the facts or of American ideals ? affairs has been afforded.”. It is surpris- In the preamble to the present Jones Bill ing, therefore, to find the present Jones Bill are the following clauses : comparatively conservative both as regards

Whereas, it is, as it has always been, the purits declaration of purpose and its provisions

pose of the people of the United States to for governmental control of the Philippine withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands. The most radical feature of the Islands and to recognize their independence as new bill is the abolition of the Philippine soon as a stable government can be established Commission, which has (until the recent ap

therein ;

and pointment of Governor-General Harrison) Whereas, for the speedy accomplishment of been under the direct control of an American such purpose it is desirable to place in the majority, but which is now composed of five

hands of the people of the Philippines as large

a control of their domestic affairs as can be Filipinos and four Americans. The Philip

given them, without in the meantime impairing pine Commission, it will be remembered, holds

the exercise of the rights of sovereignty by the the position of an upper house in the Philip- people of the United States, in order that by pine Government.

the use and exercise of popular franchise and Not only does this new Jones Bill propose governmental powers they may be the better to substitute for the present Philippine Com- prepared to fully assume the responsibilities mission an elective native Senate, but it also and enjoy all the privileges of complete indeproposes to grant to that Senate, in concert pendence; therefore- [Here follows the body with the Philippine Assembly, control over

of the bill.] all the expenses contracted by the Philip

In this preamble there are two statements pine Government, authority to reorganize

which can be used as illustrations of the difthe executive departments of the Philip- ference of opinion which exists between the pine Government in any way it sees fit, and

followers of Mr. Jones and those who, like power to regulate (subject to the final veto

ex-Governor Forbes, Mr. Dean C. Worcester, of the American President) the whole of

and ex-President Taft, are spokesmen for the public domain acquired by the United

the Philippine policy with which The Outlook States from the Kingdom of Spain by the

has always been in sympathy. Treaty of Paris.

These extensive powers, The statements to which we refer are the however, are granted to the Filipinos with a

promise to recognize Philippine independence very definite string attached, for Congress

as soon as a stable government can be estabreserves to itself the right to annul any

lished in the islands, and the promise inferenlaw passed by the Philippine Legislature.

tially contained in the final clause of the preThe Governor-General, still to be appointed

amble regarding the method by which the by the President, also possesses a limited

Filipino people shall be prepared for indeveto power that can be overruled by a

pendence. three-fourths vote of the two Filipino

Mr. Jones's definition of what a stable govhouses. The powers of the Governor-Gen

ernment is differs widely from The Outlook's eral are much like those possessed by the Gov

understanding of the situation. Perhaps ernors of our own States or of the President

The Outlook's position can be best stated by himself in relation to the Nation. It can be

a quotation from a report made by Mr. Taft seen from this brief summary of the changes

when Secretary of War to President Roosevelt which it is proposed to make in the present in 1907 : government of the Philippine Islands that responsibility has somewhat sobered the Con

What should be emphasized in the statement

of our National policy is that we wish to pregressmen who have been such bitter oppo

pare the Filipinos for popular self-government. nents of the Republican administration in the

This is plain from Mr. McKinley's letter of inPhilippines.

structions and all of his utterances. It was not Apparently they, too, have seen something

at all within his purpose or that of the Congress of the unwisdom of promising definite inde- which made his letter part of the law of the land pendence to the Philippines on any specified that we were merely to await the organization





of a Philippine oligarchy or aristocracy com- ask whether at this time, when internapetent to administer government and then turn tional relations are so strained and difficult, the islands over to it. On the contrary, it is

there is any wisdom to be found in unsettling plain, from all of Mr. McKinley's utterances and

the status of the United States in the Far your own, in interpretation of our National pur

East. pose, that we are the trustees and guardians of the whole Filipino people, and peculiarly of the ignorant masses, and that our trust is not discharged until those masses are given education HOW TO DEVELOP TRADE sufficient to know their civil rights and main

WITH SOUTH AMERICA tain them against a more powerful class and safely to exercise the political franchise.

In The Outlook for this week there appears Secretary Taft's opinion in 1907 is the an interesting and informing paper by Mr. opinion of The Outlook in 1914. It is Robert Bacon upon the people of South not so much a “stable” government that America and the social and economic condiit has been the object of the United States tions under which they live. Mr. Bacon's to create, as a genuine popular government. impressions are the result of personal obserThe Outlook does not believe that the Filipino vation, and his article is timely because of people can be helped or served in any way the widespread discussion of America's present by the general terms of such a preamble as commercial opportunities in Latin America. Mr. Jones has written into the present Philip- - It is also timely to point out that these pine Bill. The promise, indefinite as it is, of opportunities are not to be profitably grasped independence upon the creation of a “stable” in unpreparedness, or without careful study native government furnishes fitter material and patient adaptability. for agitation than legislation. Moreover, The tread of the vehicles used in the when there is established in the Philippines a: Southern and Southwestern States of our own government that is popular as well as stable country is four inches wider than that of there is no certainty that the Filipinos will similar vehicles used in the Northern States. wish the sovereignty of the United States The Southern theory is that a buggy or carwithdrawn and independence forced upon riage with a wide tread rides more easily on them. Why, then, pledge the United States a rough road than one with a narrow tread. to such a course now? In reference to the This is true ; but throughout the country the final clause of this preamble, there is, too, roads are so much better than they were fifty grave doubt-doubt which direct informa- years ago that there is no longer any percep. tion from the Philippines does not dissipate- tible difference between the comfort of a whether the rapid transference of the Philip- vehicle with a broad tread and one with a pine government from American to native narrow tread. Nevertheless the buggy mancontrol, in the way which Representative ufacturer who attempted to sell narrow-tread Jones believes eminently desirable, will not buggies in the South would be unsuccessful, in itself do much to defeat the purpose

because the ruls in the road have been worn of such an action. It is not so much the to fit the broad tread and the people will not intelligence of the few Filipino leaders that change their habits. requires stimulation to make popular govern- This is the nub of the whole matter. Our ment in the Philippine Islands successful, as American manufacturers have learned the the education of the masses of Filipinos in prejudices and habits of the people in the difthose principles of self-government which, ferent parts of the Union and give them what after several centuries of effort, our own race they want. Most of the sombreros worn on has not too completely mastered. A too the plains of Texas are made in Philadelphia, rapid transference of governmental functions and the felt-lined “arctics ” of the Northfrom American to Filipino control may pos- western lumbermen are made in Providence, sibly make for the speedy creation of a Rhode Island. The manufacturers of both "stable” native government, but it may also these articles have become rich because they serve to rivet upon the islands an aristocracy supplied what the people wanted, and did of wealth and privilege destined ultimately to not attempt to give them something just as defeat the idealistic purpose to which the good or better which was not wanted. They United States has given such thought and saw the ruts, and made the goods to fit. sacrifice.

In dealing with South America the same It is also a very pertinent question to policy is necessary. The goods offered must


be adapted to the tastes, habits, and preju- the commercial exigencies of the twentieth dices of people who for centuries have had century by saying that “where the credit is, standards of living, eating, and dressing that there the heart is also." It is certain that are different from our own. It is both use- people are going to buy their goods where less and impertinent to attempt to impose they are trusted, and we cannot get the trade other standards upon them. It is exceed- of South America unless we show our coningly difficult, if not impossible, to change fidence in the future of that continent by a the habits of a people, and if we are to willingness to finance its development. supply the needs of South America we must We can do all this without waiting for an give the people there what they want, and American mercantile marine, desirable as not what we think is best suited to their that ultimately may be. With centuries of needs. We must learn to speak their lan- maritime experience behind them, the English guage. Our salesmen must be in sympathy people can provide ocean transportation more with their mental processes and institutions. cheaply than we can. It may be economically They must adjust themselves to the siesta expedient to let them do it until we and the deliberateness with which business is learn to do it at least as well. It is an age conducted south of the Rio Grande and on of specialization. Each nation should do the the other side of the equator.

things that it can do most efficiently. If we Then, too, there must be less American can manufacture the goods, sell them, and bumptiousness and condescension-only provide the credit necessary to retain the those who have traveled widely can realize trade, we may well be content for the present how extremely offensive American boastful- and let the English collect the freight. Moreness and self-sufficiency are to the Latin races, over, in these days ships follow trade ; trade whose courtesy and culture have a genealogy does not necessarily follow artificially estabmuch older than our own.

lished ships. Perhaps one of the best ways It is trite to say that if we are to build up to establish a merchant marine is to create an extensive trade with South America we trade with South America. must have the co-operation of North American Finally, we must recollect that trade is banks and bankers, and persuade the people essentially barter. We cannot sell to those of South America to think financially in terms from whom we do not buy, and if we are to of the dollar rather than of the pound ster- deal largely with South America there must ling New York must become an interna- be reciprocal effort toward the removal of any tional as well as a National clearing-house, tariff barriers that may exist between us and and a market must be made in the United the people with whom we would trade. But, States for the obligations of South American above all, we must not forget the ruts of governments as well as for the securities of national habits and customs, and we must South American corporations.

build our vehicles of commerce to fit those The Scripture might be paraphrased to fit ruts.




10-DAY at Oxford I entered Balliol of young men drilling so that they may

quadrangle. I saw a sight which I become soldiers. What likely lads ! As I can never forget. That college is attempted to cross the “quad” a sentry

. supposed to be the most intellectual of any challenged me and said: “ Very sorry, sir. here. It was long presided over by the great Visits no longer permitted. College is under Jowett, the Vice-Chancellor of the University military rule.” in my day.

In busy, noisy London it seems appropriTo-day on the grassy plot surrounded by ate that there should be numerous recruiting beautiful Gothic architecture—seemingly the stations and that drilling should be going on serenest spot in Oxford—one no longer sees briskly. But here, in quiet, academic old a don in cap and gown crossing from one Oxford ! At first one does not get accusside to another. Instead, there was a group tomed to it; but before long one begins to

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see that Oxford is peculiarly the place for the last term, nearly one hundred have volunacquirement, not only of privates, but of teered in some form or other; and of those officers, for the British army.

who have not so volunteered, some Indeed, as fine work has been done here Rhodes Scholars who have already gone in strengthening the army as anywhere. home, some are on the sick list, and some are There has been a realization that the univer- in holy orders. sities may be expected to produce officers The scene in Balliol “ quad” reminded me rather than privates. Now the need of offi- of a similar one the other day in Lincoln's cers is especially great, and it will continue to Inn, London, that quiet oasis between Holbe great as long as the war lasts.

Hence a

born and the Strand. Lincoln's Inn has University Board was organized to deal ac- always been associated in my mind only with tively with the situation.

The Board is com- young men quietly studying law and with posed of the Vice-Chancellor (Dr. T. B. older men as quietly administering it. But Strong, of Christ Church) and four other the splendid library and the long rows of members. Three of these are also members chambers now look down on squads of lads of the Oxford University Officers' Training drilling in the open. Some of them are Corps—a permanent institution. The mem- already in khaki ; others only in their shirtbers have been sitting every day to interview sleeves. and report upon any candidates for a commis- In many other places in London drilling is sion, and have been in daily communication in progress : on Somerset House Terrace, at with the War Office in London. The Oxford the Horse Guards Parade, at the KnightsUniversity Officers' Training Corps has al- bridge, and at the Albany Barracks. In Totready done good work under peace condi- tenham Court Road, too—that symbol of the tions; and now, under war conditions, it is purely commercial and the non-military,

, with the Vice-Chancellor's approval, urging there is one great mark of the uncommercial every able-bodied undergraduate to join it. and the military, and, strange as it may seem, Thus from time to time relays of men will it is found in and about the massive and imbe produced, qualified to receive a commis- posing Young Men's Christian Association sion and to take part in the training of Lord Building. That building has become a great Kitchener's successive new armies. Since the center for the Territorials—those volunteers beginning of the war the Board has already who, in any event, go into camp every year. nominated about twelve hundred men. Some But especially this year! thirty of them are destined for the Military You pass through Tottenham Court Road School at Sandhurst, about fifty for commis- into Oxford Street and Regent Street. In sions in the regular army, over two hundred many of the shop windows are such printed for the special reserve, over four hundred appeals as these, in large letters: for the Territorial forces, and between four

TO ARMS FOR KING AND COUNTRY! and five hundred for Lord Kitchener's new


LORD KITCHENER WANTS 100,000 MORE This number does not, of course, exhaust VOLUNTEERS. the number of university men who have now

JOIN THE ARMY TILL THE WAR IS OVER joined the army; some have enlisted, and

And then, more rarely, such a pithy, apsome were already holding commissions in

pealing notice as this to any Britisher of the Territorials when the war began.

backbone: Suggestions have been made to the Vice

UP TILL NOW YOU HAVE LOOKED ON AT Chancellor to close the University of Oxford

THE GAME. WE CALL UPON YOU TO PLAY entirely, and so turn all the men into the

IT NOW. FORWARDS WANTED! NO BACKS! ranks of the new army now being enrolled. PLAY UP! But the Vice-Chancellor contends that this

And then, above all, this one: would make an unappreciable difference to the recruiting now; and also that it would COME NOW, DON'T HAVE TO BE FETCHED!

PEOPLE WILL LOOK AFTER YOUR extinguish for good all hope of a succession

HOMES. of officers.

To show the enthusiasm among Oxford Just how any Englishman who believes in men, I would add the report of a special in- his country's cause can withstand this last quiry I made at Oriel College. Of one hun- appeal is beyond me. dred and twenty-nine men in residence there Then there are other and rather more


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