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THE HISTORICAL ROOTS OF THE WAR

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of our territory." He was forced out by the for years. Cabinet-making is a kind of game royalists, who saw in him the main obstacle in France; to be a Minister gives a man to their plans. MacMahon was an honest social prestige, a handsome official residence, and bluff soldier who was placed in office in an opportunity to pass good things around to order to keep the machine running steadily his friends. In all the departments experiuntil a king could be provided ; and he was enced and permanent under-secretaries or forced out before the end of his term in chiefs carry on the traditions.

The changes order to prevent his re-election, because he of Ministry frequently mean only the squeezwas thought not to be favorable to the Re- ing out of two or three men and the coming public then re-established.

in of new blood. In the crisis of the present Then followed a series of “ safe men,” war the French statesmen rearranged their whose dullness was intended to insure the Cabinet so as to bring into it the ablest men weakness of the Presidency. The cartoon- who could be found, no matter what was ists accused Grévy of buying three sous'

their party. worth of chestnuts as he went into the presi- The Republican Task. The French Govdential palace, to avoid the expense of a ernment is undeniably clumsy, but it is genudinner. Casimir-Périer resigned in disgustinely democratic. Thirty years ago the after six months' experience because there American student in Paris could still attend was nothing to do. Sadi Carnot, who seems meetings of Legitimists or Bonapartists, but to have been a man of vigor, was killed by an now they seem to have given up the struggle. obscure assassin. Experience has shown that Throughout the land the departmental and the French President is only a steadier, like communal governments are in part carried those gyroscopes which are used to keep on by the voters, in part by prefects and air-ships on a level. They have no veto other national officials, who can usually be power, and their executive acts must be per- depended upon to use their official influence formed through Ministers, whose countersign for the Ministry that is in power at the is a guarantee that the President shall have

moment. The Republic has provided a sysno real power.

tem of national schools which reaches the The French Ministers. The real Govern- whole population; which provides high schoo's ment in France, as in England, is in the hands for boys and girls all over the country; which of a Ministry, which is a joint committee of supports more than twenty Government the two legislative bodies, dependent at universities; and which is a model to other every moment upon holding a majority of the nations in the opportunity it offers for the members of the Chambre. In England since training of experts. . For instance, there are 1871 there have been always two main par- two schools in France for preparing special ties, with some disturbance from third parties; teachers for the normal schools. whereas in France during that period there Ever since the last detachment of Germans have never been any strong permanent par

moved out of France in 1873 it has been ties. In 1912 the Chambre recognized nine the care of the Republic to provide national political "groups,” arranged as follows: defense and also national offense. France Liberal Action, 33 members ; Right, 84; Radi- is a land of stationary population, which cal Left, 114; Progressive Republicans, 46; stands now almost where it stood forty years Radical Socialist Republicans, 154 ; Socialist ago in numbers. The Republic has thereRepublicans, 32; Socialist party, 71; Repub- fore made it a business to watch the armalican Union, 33 ; besides about 25 members ment of Germany, and to be prepared for who could not feel at home in any one of the expected war. Hence the land has those nine groups.

cheerfully borne heavy taxes and loans for Majorities in a house so constituted are fortification of the frontier, for the building feeting, as is shown by the fact that from of the navy, for new cannon, for air-ships. 1871 to 1912 there were fifty-four Cabinets. A few months ago the Republic adopted a Freycinet was in and out as Prime Minister system of three years' military service, the four different times within five years. The

purpose of which was to have always on foot Cabinet Rouvier in 1906 lasted nineteen a larger army in proportion to the population days. Such a changeable and uncertain sys- than that of the Germans. There was bitter tem would destroy most states, but it does opposition, especially from the Socialists; but not prevent the French from forming and when the outbreak of war came the French executing policies which are pursued steadily had already made a beginning in this in

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crease of their army. Whatever the evils of property that was seized do not seem yet to, war, every Continental Power in Europe has have arrived at the public treasury. felt it duty to be prepared, and the French On the other hand, whether right or wrong Republic has shown its capacity to put up a in their controversy with the Papacy, the strong defense and offense.

Republic stood to its policy and carried it Critics of the French Republic have found through. By the determination of Frenchplenty of material. Politics seem on a low men the Dreyfus case was reviewed and plane. Members of the Chambre cannot justice was done. French statesmen of the secure appointments to post-offices and cus- Republic pulled their country out of the positom-houses for their friends, but they can get tion of being a lonely and defeated Power privileges to sell tobacco and like favors, and into an alliance with Russia, and then with they job them in return for political support. England. The Republic has made no misThe managers of the Panama Canal bought takes comparable with those of the ancien up journalists and even members of the régime, or Napoleon the Great, or Napoleon Chambre right and left. In the Dreyfus the Little. For forty years France has furcontroversy, from 1894 to 1899, every effort nished the strongest proof to Europe that the was made by statesmen and military men to principles upon which the United States of avoid the adimission that a mistake had been America was founded and continues are. made, that the wrong man had been con-. principles under which a great modern state victed. In the long conflict from about 1900 can be carried on, even in the midst of the to 1910 over the Catholic associations the tremendous strains of national life in the Republic was harsh, and the proceeds of the Europe of 1914.

TWO NOTEWORTHY BOOKS ON

DEMOCRACY

BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT

T

us.

WHERE are books of which it is im- Promise of American Life,” by Mr. Croly, and

possible to make an epitome, and "A Preface to Politics," by Mr. Lippmann.

which therefore it is impossible to Both of these writers stand foremost among review save in the way of calling attention those of our thinkers who recognize the grave to their excellence. Bryce's "American abuses of our present system and the need Commonwealth," Lowell's “ Study of Repre- of breaking the shackles which the interested sentative Government in Europe," Thayer's beneficiaries and the disinterested but fanat“ Study of Cavour,” illustrate what is meant ical devotees of the past would impose upon by this statement. Two new volumes, “Pro- Both thoroughly realize the absolute gressive Democracy," by Herbert Croly, need that we shall move forward toward a and “ Drift and Mastery,” by Walter Lipp- definite goal unless we are willing to see mismann, come in this category. No man who fortune come to our people. But each is as wishes seriously to study our present social, far as possible from those unwise reformers industrial, and political life with the view of who denounce everything that smacks of - guiding his thought and action so as to work the past as vicious, and who consider all for National betterment in the future can change of any kind as in itself beneficial. afford not to read these books through and Both of them—and Mr. Lippmann especially through and to ponder and digest them. so—are believers in a great increase in the They worthily carry forward the argument con- application of the principle of collective tained in the authors' previous works—“ The action. But neither of them makes a fetish

of ultra-collectivism any more than of ultra" Progressive Democracy. By Herbert Croly. The Macmillan Company, New York. $2.

individualism, and each is entirely fearDrift and Mastery. By Walter Lippmann. Mitchell Kennerley, New York. $1.

less in opposing mischievous action, even

1914

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although it is now or has been recently sup- expense of the judiciary, or to conserve the ported by the great majority of our people. power of the judiciary at the expense of Con

Mr. Croly explicitly points out that the gress or of the Executive, but to increase position which American conservatism has popular control over all the organs of governelected to defend arouses on the part of its ment; and this can be accomplished only by defenders a sincere and admirable loyalty of the increase of direct popular power over the conviction. He recognizes that our tradi- Constitution. tional constitutional system has had a long No less admirable is Mr. Croly's showing and honorable career, and has contributed of the damage done to justice and to the enormously to American political and social whole democratic ideal by the saturation of prosperity, giving stability, order, and security our Government with legalism. As he points to a new political experiment undertaken in out, the final outcome of this effort was to a new country under peculiarly hazardous and make the paralyzing of administration by law trying conditions. He also gives the wise warn- an every-day spectacle. Under such condiing that in order to attack the old system pro- tions the ship of state merely drifted round gressivism must not occupy a position of mere and round. In practice the public welfare nihilism, of mere destruction ; that it must not was sedulously sacrificed to this theory of represent wild-eyed and unbalanced seeking government by litigation. The law continuafter an impossible millennium ; and, further- ally prevented the correction of abuses and more, that it must be constructive rather than continually shielded officials who had gone restorative.

In his book he poses the two wrong, but it never helped to make things go questions : (1) Whether any substitute is right. Corruption increased and special needed for the traditional system, and (2) privilege was fostered. In practice the equal Whether the progressive creed offers what protection of the laws meant very unequal can fairly be considered such a working sub- opportunity to bring lawsuits, and governstitute. He answers both questions in the ment by law was turned into government by affirmative ; but the value of his book, al- corporations and political bosses. This conthough it consists partly in the working out tinued until observers of vision finally became of the definite conclusions he reaches, con

convinced that democracy and legalism were sists even more in the spirit in which he has incompatible. attempted to reach these conclusions.

The great corporation, the great corporaMr. Croly strikes at the root of the diffi- tion lawyer, and the boss are now merged culties encountered by men who seriously together as representing rule over the people, strive for a juster economic and social life and the demagogue, whose revolt occasionally when he points out that the chief obstacles to tempers this far from beneficent despotism, securing the needed betterment are found often aggravates as many ills as he remedies. in the legalism with which we have permitted Mr. Croly points out how direct government our whole Government to be affected, and by the people themselves, entered into with in the extreme difficulty of amending the wisdom and caution, offers, on the whole, not Constitution. As for the latter point, objec- only the best but the only real remedy for tion to an easier method of amending the these abuses. He shows that to call pure Constitution can be reasonably advanced only democracy

democracy “retrogressive" or a “return by those who sincerely and frankly dis- to old forms " is a mere play upon words, believe in the fitness of the people for self

more account than it would be to government. Government under a Constitu- stigmatize in similar fashion the attempt to tion which in actual practice can be amended recover classic humanism after its eclipse in only on the terms which formerly permitted the Middle Ages. The adoption of direct the Polish Parliament to legislate, and under government may in the end accomplish most a system of court procedure which makes the of its purposes by reinvigorating representacourts the ultimate irresponsible interpreters tive government; and not the least interestof the Constitution, and therefore ultimately ing part of Mr. Croly's book is a study of the irresponsible makers of the law under the the method proposed in Oregon for achievConstitution—such government really repre- ing this result. Mr. Croly emphatically besents a system as emphatically undemocratic lieves in nationalizing our democracy, but this as government by a hereditary aristocracy. does not in the least mean mere centralization As Mr. Croly says, what is needed is not of

power. On the contrary, he no more to increase the power of Congress at the makes a fetish of centralization than of par

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ticularism. It is eminently desirable that we Nowhere is Mr. Lippmann's clear sight should keep in State and in city vigorous and courage better shown than in his treatforms of local self-government. What is ment of the trusts. During the past quarter meant by the nationalization of the demo- of a century probably more mischief has been cratic method is the giving to the whole done, and is now being done, by our treatment people themselves the power to do those of the trusts than by any other one phase of things that are essential in the interest of the our governmental activity. He points out whole people.

that the Sherman Anti-Trust Law has, on the The dominant note of Mr. Lippmann's book whole, worked very great evil. Indeed, almost is the insistence that in the present unrest the only good that has been accomplished there is altogether too much aimless drift, aim- under it has been accomplished by the Northless beating of the waves to and fro, and ern Securities suit, and this merely by estabthat what is needed is a.mastery of the move- lishing the power of the National Government ment; which can come in a democracy only to deal with corporations engaged in interif the people, or at least the leaders of the State business, a power secured by getting people, have the courage to face the facts the Supreme Court to everse a previous and the wisdom and vision to think rationally most unwise and improper decision. The about them. Mr. Lippmann, with caustic Sherman Anti-Trust Law should only remain humor, shows the folly alike of the persons as applicable to corporations which refuse to who believe in the non-existent virtues of a obey the decrees of an adequate, powerful non-existent golden past and of the persons administrative body in the nature of an interwho merely dream of a golden future without State business commission. Mr. Lippmann making any sane effort to better conditions in is, with justice, equally severe upon those who the present. Too many of the dreamers of the have organized the “trusts” that do evil and last type refuse to confront the uncomfortable upon the professional anti-trust leaders who fact that in life retrogression is almost, and at have endeavored merely to break up big times quite, as common as progress, and that business corporations and to secure the “new there is no necessary truth whatever in the freedom” by bringing us back to an era of proposition that whatever is later in time is unlimited and ruthless competition between better in fact. He shows that no liberty small business concerns. He says, quite worth having can come from a mere happy- justly, that “the stupid hostility of anti-trust go-lucky breaking of chains. "It is with laws has perverted all real constructive emancipation that real tasks begin, and lib- policy on the part of the Nation and the erty is a searching challenge, for it takes States, has concentrated the thinking of our away the guardianship of the master and the people on inessentials, has driven creative comfort of the priest.”

business men to underhand methods, and has Two of the most fundamental and ad- put a high money value on intrigue and legal mirable chapters in Mr. Lippman's book are cunning, demagoguery, and waste. those entitled “ A Key to the Labor Move- trusts have survived it all, but in mutilated ment” and “ A Nation of Villagers.” In the form, the battered makeshifts of a trampled former he makes the point, which cannot be promise. They have learned every art of too much insisted upon, that strong labor evasion—the only art reformers allowed them organizations are indispensable to progress. to learn." Of course our policy as regards They not only benefit the persons who are the trusts should be frankly to accept in its thus organized, but they benefit society as a essentials the doctrine laid down by President whole. It is the economic weakness and Van Hise in his book entitled “ Combination wretchedness of those who constitute the and Control.” Industrial Workers of the World which make Mr. Lippmann sees clearly, as does Mr. the Industrial Workers of the World Croly, that democracy cannot possibly be potent a source of aimless, of merely de- achieved save among a people fit for democstructive, unrest. It is the strength and eco- racy. There can be no real political democnomic power of the great brotherhoods of racy unless there is something approaching railway employees and of similar effective an economic democracy. A democracy must labor organizations which have given, not consist of men who are intellectually, morally, merely dignity and strength to the labor and materially fit to be their own masters. movement, but also additional solidity to our There can be neither political nor industrial social structure.

democracy unless people are reasonably well

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to-do, and also reasonably able to achieve the attitude of the wage-workers was perfectly difficult task of self-mastery. As Mr. Lipp- simple. They wished employment. They mann says, the first item in any rational pro- wished a chance to get a job. They believed gramme for a democratic state must be the that they had more chance if the candidates insistence on a reasonably high minimum of the Republican machine were elected than standard of life, and therefore of pay, for the they would otherwise have. Personally I average worker.

very strongly believe that they were in error ; It is not possible even for reformers of but it was their belief that counted. The lofty vision and fine and sane judgment to average voter usually sees what he is treat of everything. Neither of these two voting about in very simple form. He does books dwells sufficiently upon, although both not regard the political picture as an etching of them hint at, certain vital facts which are and follow out the delicate tracery. He connected with a further fundamental fact, treats it as a circus poster, in which the colors that there must be ample prosperity in the are in very vivid contrast and are laid on nation. Public welfare depends upon gen

with a broad brush. When the average man eral public prosperity, and the reformer whose feels the pinch of poverty, the only things reforms interfere with the general prosperity he sees in the political picture are the will accomplish little.

broad, vivid colors which in his mind deal • We cannot pay for what the highest type with that particular matter. He wishes to of democracy demands unless there is a great have his material condition improved at the abundance of prosperity. A business that present time or in the immediate future; does not make money necessarily pays bad and for the moment questions of ultimate wages and renders poor service. Merely to betterment, and especially of moral betterchange the ownership of the business without ment, sink into abeyance. This attitude is in making it yield increased profits will achieve no way peculiar to the laboring man or the nothing. In practice this means that when farmer. It is just as evident in the big the Nation suffers from hard times wage- business man and in his college-bred son, and workers will concern themselves, and must in the wealthy clubs of which these two make concern themselves, primarily with a return up most of the membership. to good times, and not with any plan for Finally, it is imperative to count the cost securing social and industrial justice. If of all reforms, and therefore to rememwomen cannot get any work, and neverthe- ber that only a wealthy state can spend less have to live, they will be far more con- money sufficient to embody the reform into cerned with seeing a factory opened in which law. There is no point in having prosperity they can work at night or work twelve hours unless there can be an equitable division of every day than they are concerned with the prosperity. But there can be no equitable abolition of night work or the limitation division of prosperity until the prosperity is of hours of labor. Exactly the same is true there to divide. All reformers with

any

wisof men.

In the recent election in Penn- dom will keep this fact steadily in mind, and sylvania the majority of the miners and will realize that it is their duty in all legislawage-workers generally voted for the Repub- tion to work for the general prosperity of the lican machine, although this Republican community, and this in spite of the further machine had just defeated a workmen's com- fact that no good comes from the performpensation act, a child labor law, a minimum ance of this first duty unless some system of wage for women law, and various other bits equity and justice is built upon the prosperity of very desirable labor legislation. The thus secured.

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