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diplomat" (page 565, repeated in substance on pages 579, 580); he is "muddle-headed" (page 539); his memoirs are "weak, dishonest and evasive" (page 535); and in a number of instances the implication is overplain that he is an unconscionable liar. The large measure of contradiction in the estimate of Grey may be variously explained. Perhaps a reflection that it is not good jury tactics to overstress the indictment of one who is "more revered in England to-day than in 1914" (page 535) and that censure must be duly mixed with praise is responsible. The device is ancient. If the Bard of Avon is correct, Mark Antony used it some 1,970 years ago.

America also contributed her share of villains. "Primary responsibility" for American intervention rests on the shoulders of Walter Page (page 604), a person possessed of a "virulent proEnglish attitude" (page 600). Page would seem to have been about the worst malefactor in American history; set off against his suggestion to Grey to consider with the latter the framing of a reply to a certain message from the State Department, "the offense of Benedict Arnold seems highly comparable" (pages 600, 601). Colonel House was almost as bad, and Secretary Houston probably ranks next. There was, of course, Woodrow Wilson, "subtle and adroit in his method" (page 615), who by the close of 1915 had fully made up his mind for war, but who in the campaign of 1916 deceitfully persuaded the country that he was still a pacifist. American journalists en masse fill up this company of scoundrels. They followed slavishly the dictates of industry and finance, which was strongly for the Entente.

Who, then-for there must, of course, be a few--are the righteous in this melodramatic offering? Well, there is Wilhelm, late Supreme War Lord of the German Empire, a much misunderstood and badly abused person-one who "acted more vigorously and consistently than any other person in Europe during the crisis of 1914 in the effort to avert the development of the general conflict" (page 297). Then there is Dr. Barnes, repentant of his sin of having written Allied propaganda during the war and now evidently determined to bring fruits meet for repentance by writing antiAllied propaganda; the "revisionists" generally, the leading lights among whom are introduced, one by one, clothed with varying attributes such as those of bravery, brilliancy, keenness, scholarship, fairness, and so on. As for the common people of France, Russia, England, and America, they are to be regarded more as boobs than as scoundrels -ignorant and light-headed folk easily

inflamed by the propaganda of designing persons ill disposed toward the benevolent Kaiser.

Who was "primarily responsible" for the war? It was not Germany, dismissed by Dr. Barnes with an allencompassing certificate of blameless

Servia, of course, initiated the trouble, and Austria showed undue "obstinacy" (page 300); "stubbornness and evasion, encouraged, perhaps, by Moltke's secret telegrams" (page 274). But the Servian trouble could easily have been settled, and Austria must not be harshly blamed. All she wanted was that the other Big Boys should stay out of the mess while she took her playful romp with little Servia. She wanted a strictly localized war, and was entitled to it; and it was the diabolical determination of Russia, egged on by France, not to permit this little war that brought on the greater war.

"Primary responsibility" is a term that frequently recurs. The reader will find that this responsibility falls upon France or Russia, or both, or even jointly upon France, Russia, and England, according to the section he consults. On page 224 the cause of the war is given as the "intervention of Russia, urged on by France." Pages 308-380 tell us that "the Russian mobilization precipitate [d] the World War." Page 398 lays the "primary responsibility" upon "Poincaré and his clique." Pages 441 and 658, 659 charge a joint responsibility upon those two nations, while page 682 adds another factor by asserting that the cause was "the plotting of Poincaré, Delcassé, Izvolski, and Sazonov, aided and abetted by the Francophiles and Slavophiles in the British Government." The reader may take his choice.

Over and over the author repeats the dogmatic assertion that Russian mobilization could not but bring war. He does this, though he knows that other Russian mobilizations had taken place without war, though he knows of reiterated admissions by high German authority that peace might still be arranged in spite of Russian mobilization. The fact is that so much of his case hangs upon the steadfast repetition of this preposterous statement that he must needs ignore all the contradictory evidence. The interested reader who wishes to know of Dr. Barnes's skillful omissions in this matter will do well to read the article by Mr. Charles Altschul on "The War Guilt Controversy," in the June number of "Current History."

Dr. Barnes shows considerable skill in ignoring the inconvenient. When he says (page 421) that "the one outstanding French leader who saw through all

of the impostures of Poincaré and his clique" was Jaurès, he neglects to mention the fact that one of the last public statements of the Socialist leader was an emphatic expression of his belief that the French authorities were sincerely working for peace. When he makes his exaggerated statements (page 609) regarding English attempts to control the American press, he omits to mention the German efforts, particularly in the case of a certain New York evening newspaper. When he says (page 34), "Germany, by apparently acquiescing in this charge of full and complete guilt in regard to the outbreak of the war," he avoids telling his readers that few informed persons either in Germany or out of it so read the language of Article 231. Just what the word "apparently" is doing in this place is uncertain unless it be a protective word to point to in case some critical person questions the ingenuousness of the statement.

There are scores of such instances. There are other scores of instances in which he reveals his sad bondage to the superlative complex. When the facts call for some qualifier, such as "many" or even "some," he is prone to use "all;" when "more" is "indicated" (as the physicians say), he uses "most." When he says (page 292) that "even Belgian authorities themselves have denied the truth of such charges of German atrocities in Belgium as those embodied in the Bryce report and other similar publications," he means, or ought to mean, "some of such charges." When one reads (page 637) that "there is no possibility that Germany could have conquered the Allies without American intervention," and has paused long enough to get the meaning of the bungling sentence, one is disposed to ask, How can any one even the omniscient Dr. Barnes-possibly know such a thing as that? One would suppose that a remembrance of the days of the spring offensive of 1918, when many informed persons believed that Germany was actually winning the war, would have prompted a less cocksure and sweeping assertion.

The art of apologetics acquires some fresh examples in this astounding work. Take, for instance, some of the references to the unrestricted submarine warfare. It was, like the invasion of Belgium, a "political blunder" (page 645). But it was not, comparatively speaking, a reprehensible thing. It "certainly cannot be regarded as in any sense more atrocious in fact or law than those English violations of neutral rights which had produced" it (page 594). Anyhow, we of America are responsible. The gentle Germans would never have thought of such a thing. "We may say with

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their utterances. The more exuberant among them openly voiced their aspirations as to territorial aggression and aggrandizement" (page 611).

When we come to the chapter "America Follows England," we find a picture that no informed person can recognize. Let us take, for instance, some of the references to the American press. On page 589 we are informed that "few American papers . . . relied for most of their material on German affairs upon the Harmsworth papers in England, which were even notoriously anti-German." This bungled statement does not express Dr. Barnes's meaning, which is that all of the American papers except a few so depended. For the truth of the statement he cites the authority of that cautious investigator and exact recorder of events, Mr. H. L. Mencken (note on page 647). On pages 608, 609 we learn that "the American press had become by 1915 and 1916 almost uniformly and intolerantly pro-Ally." By the time page 644 is reached the almost is dropped and "the American press" has become "completely under the sway of the Entente propaganda." One who remembers the years 1915-16 need not be

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not only for the American press as a whole, but even for the English-language press of America.

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press. One does not need to be reminded that there is such a thing as a good presentation of a bad case, and that the worse the case, the greater the need of care in its preparation. It was hardly to be expected that Dr. Barnes, pouring forth the profuse strains of his rapturously premeditated indictment, could have stopped to examine critically his own statements, or that even if he had done so he was in a proper mood to make the effort profitable. But from his eminent fellow-workers in the cause of

"revisionism" should have come some

thing better. There are fifteen of these savants, all of them proudly paraded before the reader as expert witnesses to the truth of what is here presented. Thirteen of them read at least one chapter each. One of them, Professor Williain L. Langer, read the whole book in proof, and another, Mr. William C. Dreher, gave a "critical reading to the page proof [s]." Each of the fifteen had a golden opportunity to detect absurdities. We cannot know, of course, what discoveries they made; we can pass judgment only on the basis of the discoveries they should have made. It is pathetically should have made. evident that they have all (to pass to the colloquial) "fallen down on the job," and the last-named quite as conspicuously as the other and more learned gentlemen. The humble affirmation of an experienced proof-reader is here made that the excellent Mr. Dreher needs for his task a better eye, an ampler knowledge of facts, and a more highly organized sense of verbal and typographical style, especially when handling the text of a "new" historian and a "revisionist." To add but one more instance, it may be pointed out that the "highly competent" but anonymous expert who read Chapter IV should have noticed that the statement on pages 160, 161,

There is some evidence that Jovan Jovanovitch, the Servian minister in Vienna, passed on a hint to Bilinski, the Austrian Minister of Finance, that the Archduke might meet with trouble on his visit to Sarajevo, hardly accords with the statement:

The Servian civil government was fully aware of the plot a month before its execution, but did nothing [reviewer's italics] to prevent it from being carried out and failed to warn the Austrian Government as to the peril of the Archduke. [Pages 221, 222.]

Further, the two critics who read the whole book should have noticed that a considerable discrepancy exists between the foregoing statement and this one:

The Servian civil government was aware of the plot for at least a month before its execution, but made no adequate effort [reviewer's italics] to stop the plot or to warn Austria. [Page 652.]

This book will no doubt be hailed in radical coteries as a masterpiece of learning and polemics. It is the kind of thing they like, and when they like a thing they like it very much indeed. But it seems incredible that such a book can bring any sober-minded lover of the truth one whit nearer the "revisionist" position. As propaganda, therefore, it may safely be deemed not a bombshell, but a "dud."