[1290 the rest of Europe put together; some of did not authorize this contempt of the this wealth they acquired by two measures, French for the want of discipline; and he the one was a forced loan, and the other knew, from the information of an Austrian a voluntary one. The point next to be general, the combined troops were quite considered, was that of the French assig- alarmed about the discipline of the French nats. This had been called last year " a troops, as well as about their undaunted gigantic system of swindling," and it was courage. Did their lordships want to said would be destructive to the interest know the facts on which these assertions of the French; for that in reality these were founded? Let them look at the latassignats were worth nothing, and that ter part of this campaign. What did the their imaginary value was diminishing Austrians say of the French? "We fight daily. This idea had always appeared to them on the Monday and defeat them; him to be an erroneous one. He had said, we fight them on the Tuesday and defeat last year, that, in a speculative point of them; we fight them on the Wednesday view, French assignats were worth more and defeat them. On the Thursday, they than English bank notes. In this opinion attack and defeat us. After a defeat, it he was confirmed; and their lordships takes us a month to be fit again for the would see the reason of it; at this moment field-they return to the charge in twelve assignats were 40 per cent. higher than hours." Such was the superiority of a mithey were six months ago. In another litary Republic over its enemies. He six months, probably they would be as wished to know, since we were so much much higher. Why, then, was an assignat given to boasting, what superiority of dis better property to speculate in than a cipline we discovered at Toulon? Had bank note? For a very plain reason-be- we terrified the French at that place, by cause a bank note for ten pounds to-day our superior bravery and skill? On the will be only worth ten pounds six months contrary, the superiority of the French hence; whereas an assignat, of the value was manifested on that occasion; nor was of ten pounds this day, may be worth it wonderful; what but confusion could thirty six months hence. So much for have been expected, by any one accustomthe wisdom of our legislature, in making ed to reflect, from the motley group a law to prevent the circulation of French stationed at that place to defend it? What assignats. Indeed, an act of parliament to but the most ridiculous disorder could prevent that, was absurd; and so was the have been expected from a mixture of other part of the same act which prohi- English, French, Irish, Italian, German, bited the sale of lands in France, which and Piedmontese? No two of them unwere the property of the nation; it had derstanding one another, and yet all called not the intended effect; for the sale of the upon to understand every order that was French lands for the use of the French given to them all; this must have producRepublic, had actually taken place, not- ed an entertaining variety, and must have withstanding our prohibitory statute. The resembled the confusion at the Tower of produce of that sale would, perhaps asto- Babel? All our plans at that place were nish some of their lordships. The lands said to be well laid; and yet we came in question were estimated at the sum of back, without performing what we had so135 millions sterling. They sold for six lemnly promised to the French who retimes this estimated value. This was not ceived us. The next thing upon which all: for the lands of France were so much the people of this country were taught to sought for by purchasers, that it was rely, for the success of this war, was, the more difficult to obtain it, than in any want of corn in France; the proposition other country; and it was sold there un- was, that the French should be starved der circumstances that never distinguished into submission. Thirty millions of our the sale of land in any other country; for fellow beings, the mass of whom could - the land of the very camp of the Prussian not possibly have offended us, were to be troops was sold while they were in it. starved, because their form of governThe next point on which a delusive ex-ment did not suit the political palate of a pectation arose on the subject of the war, was, that the Prussian, Austrian, and English troops were disciplined to the very perfection of military tactics, and that the French were a disordered rabble. We had had, however, some experience which

German despot! Such an idea was too horrid to reflect on, if it could be carried into effect; but the folly of the idea was without a parallel, and the plan would soon appear as absurd in effect, as it was infernal in principle; it had already united

the French in many parts much more | ships had read much of the heroic virtue closely than before, and the Jacobins, who of the ancient Romans. We had all read certainly had the ruling power in France, of, and had been accustomed to applaud, would be furnished with an apology for a the conduct of Brutus; great and glomeasure, which would compel all who were rious as it was, it was, in comparison to able to bear arms, to take the field; for, un- this republican enthusiasm, almost cold der pretence of sowing the corn for the army, and lifeless: Brutus was an officer, and it might be difficult for the peasants to in that character had certain duties to obtain bread without bearing arms for discharge? but these were private indivithe Republic. But we had taken Tou- duals who demanded the death of their lon, which was a masterpiece of po- relatives for the public good. Such were licy! Yes, we had, and had lost it; the men whom their enemies were to and there ended its history, except the conquer by the efforts of mercenary expense which must attend it, and which troops! This was not all; for supposing must be defrayed by the people of Eng- all this enthusiasm to be worth nothing, land. The noble lord, who seconded were the French without means of prothe motion for the address which that curing property to carry on the war? House had voted to his majesty, had ob- Those who thought so, would be sadly served, that in many things we were una- deceived. They have already taken the ble to imitate the French; that we could king's civil list, and they had taken a not rise in a mass as they did: that was good deal from the clergy, and they certainly very true, and for which minis- might take a great deal more; what they ters had a reason, which they perhaps already had taken from individuals would would not be very ready to assign; the pay the expense of the next campaign; truth was, they could not venture to arm and resources of this nature were almost the people of this country; or, if they infinite among them. They had taken did, even then the French would have a bells and cast them into cannon, which, great advantage over us in that respect; by the by, was making them more usefor it was not in France, as unfortunately ful to the Republic, than to have them it was in England, with regard to the en- dangling to steeples. Their silver saints listing of soldiers. The soldiers with too, they had pressed into the service, them were not enlisted for life, but only and had found their assistance beneficial. for a term of years. The consequence of What was the treasure of the French? which was, that a man, after serving a Their arms, their stores, their ammuninumber of years, returned home to his tion, their strength, their power, their department, and instructed young men numbers; but above all, their zeal and in military exercises. There was another enthusiasm; such in the aggregate, as point, in which we could not imitate the must render them invincible. French in carrying on this war; that was, were things not to be imitated by any the method of raising the supplies for it; other people in Europe at the present and he would tell their lordships how moment. Had we any of this zeal, any stupid it was to suppose, that war could of this enthusiasm, in the mass of the not be carried on without money. En-people? From all he could collect, there thusiasm produced prodigious effects; it was no desire among the people to keep made them bear all the evils of war, not up the war.-There was a point almost merely without a murmur, but in many entirely neglected by those who spoke cases with pleasure. It suppressed the upon the subject of the present war. feelings even of parental affection. Of Their lordships should recollect how long it was since the French revolution happened; those who were lads at that time were now become men; and those who were little children were become boys; it was upon these that the French chiefly depended; and their way of thinking upon political subjects differed widely from those moderate men who first brought about the revolution. They, many of them, were friends to a limited monarchy; but now the mass of the French was that of an enthusiastic repub

this, there was a memorable instance lately in France: Their lordships would recollect, there was some time ago, a report, that in a department in France, 600 young men had manifested a disposition to effect a counter-revolution. What was the effect? The parents of these young men appeared at the bar of the National Convention, and demanded, as an act of justice, that the heads of such traitors should be severed from their bodies, without distinction. Their lord

These

[1291 lic; and even among the few who might and the blame would attach upon his lordyet be moderate, the greater part were ship. Last session when this subject was for liberty. This was an important point debated with us, what was the language to be considered; much must depend held out by Austria and Prussia, with reupon the opinion of the French people at gard to a form of government for France? large, in a war where we insisted on their Despotism! What were their views when taking a certain form of government for Dumourier corresponded with, and adthemselves; and the opinion of the peo-vised the prince de Saxe Cobourg-To ple at large might be pretty well discovered by the debates of the Convention, which, with other societies added to it, certainly had the whole of the government of France, and had possession, properly speaking, of the whole country; and unless they spoke the sense of the people, their power would soon be at an end. Let their lordships hear what was said by one of the members of the Jacobin club, and then judge what was thought of the qualification of a patriot in France at this time. "Let us "said, Du Bois Crancé "expel from this society every man who cannot prove an act which, if there were a counter-revolution, would entitle him to be hanged." This was well expressed by a man whose object it was to prove he was a true republican. I am, (said his lordship), ready to be hanged or guillotined for the cause of liberty myself: it is not what I wish or call for, but I hope if it became necessary, I should not shrink from it.

There was an opinion entertained some time ago, that ministers were advising his majesty to enter into alliance with foreign powers, for the purpose of forming a government for France. This being put to ministers, was peremptorily denied. He should now state the proclamation of lord Hood, on taking possession of Toulon: "Whereas the sections of Toulon have, by their commissioners to me, made a soLemn declaration in favour of monarchy, have proclaimed Louis 17th, son of the late Louis 16th, their lawful king, and have sworn to acknowledge him, and no longer suffer the despotism of the tyrants which at this time govern France, but will do their utmost to establish monarchy, as accepted by their late sovereign in 1789, and restore peace to their distracted and calamitous country. I do hereby repeat what I have already declared to the people of the South of France, that I take possession of Toulon, and hold it in trust only for Louis 17th, until peace shall be re-established in France, which I hope and trust will be soon." Such was the declaration of lord Hood. If he had mistaken his instructions, ministers should say so,

establish despotism in France; and with
these we had entered into alliance. Lord
Hood, at Toulon, professes to want the
constitution established in France in 1789,
and accepted by Louis the 16th; and at
this very time, ministers, at Whitehall,
say to the French, "we will secure to you
a monarchy at all events." How did the
declaration of his majesty on the 29th of
October last, tally with the proclamation
of lord Hood at Toulon, who had ex-
pressly stipulated for the constitution of
1789? How did either of them agree
with the proclamation of general Wurm-
ser, which stated nothing but positive and
unlimited monarchy? He must now take
notice of the protection, which, on the
part of this country, was promised to such
of the French as would declare themselves
in favour of royalty. Protection! What
protection could we give them?
protection, as we had already given.
What had happened? Lyons, La Ven-
dée, and Toulon; all these places had
been entirely destroyed, and thousands
had lost their lives in the course of the
contest in each place. To hold out pro-
mises of this kind, when we knew it was
out of our power to fulfil them, was highly
immoral; inasmuch as it exposed thou-
sands of deluded creatures to famine, de-
spair, and death. He heard much of the
monstrous government of France, and of
the sanguinary decrees lately passed in
the French Convention; but there was a
distinction to be made between the real
constitution of France, and the provisional
government of France. The constitution
of France was fixed, and definite, and at
the head of it was the imprescriptible
rights of man, which were of so excellent
a nature, that he defied all the philoso-
phers on earth to improve it. Here he
read the declaration of the rights of man
prefixed to the constitution. The basis of
this declaration was liberty; and equality
was a part of liberty. By equality was
meant, not that all men should be equal
in property, that was impossible; but
meant that all men had an equal right,
by talents and industry, to gain, and having
gained, to keep their property; had an

equal right to equal laws, and an impartial witnessed, when at Paris on his travels. administration of justice. We were asked, A company of people of fashion of both what security could we have for a faithful sexes met; there was present also a miobservance of any treaty with the French? nister of a foreign court: the entertainHe would answer, the French constitution, ment consisted of a debate, in which there which was a higher degree of security than were, as was generally the case in debatany other power in Europe could give; ing assemblies, two champions, from because the constitution of France was whom the company expected the greatest the act of almost entirely the whole of instruction or amusement, and some infethe people of France. But that constitu- rior orators, now and then to support tion the French had renounced solemnly, some trifling parts. The question was and for ever, all thought of interfering not, whether there was or was not a God? with any government but their own: this But whether inculcating the doctrine that was manifested in the 118th and the 119th there was a God, was not too gross an articles of that very constitution. This imposture upon the credulity of mankind? was not all; they had declared, that li- One of these champions supported the berty is the power which belongs to man, affirmative of this proposition, and the of doing every thing that does not hurt other only thought it a harmless and justhe rights of another; its principle is na- tifiable imposture. In the course of this ture; its rule justice; its protection the debate, none were more delighted than law; and its moral limits are defined by some dignified clergy who were present. this maxim, "Do not to another what [Here there were some murmurs in the you would not wish done to yourself." House.] His lordship said, it was bad, This was the basis of the constitution of very bad; and instead of entertaining him, France. It was more; for it was the basis excited his horror; but he related it, to of Christianity itself; and yet the French show to the House that the Atheists in people were called Atheists. The consti- France were aristocrats, and for the purtution of France was unalterable. With pose also of observing, that it was in regard to the provisional government, France, as in most other countries, the under which head were to be taken all middling and the lower classes had some sanguinary decrees which had lately reverence for religion, and that the charge passed in the Convention; it was of a tem- of Atheism against the whole of the French porary nature, and might be repealed by people was, like many other charges the same authority that passed them. against them in the mass, wholly unThis provisional government was erected founded. It was true, indeed, that relifor the purpose of repelling their invaders. gion had been treated with some levity It was not to this provisional government among the French, and this was more octhat we were to look, but to the French casioned by the clergy themselves, than constitution; many parts of which were by any other class of men; they made a founded on the principles of the British mere trade of religion, for the purpose of constitution; and as to these decrees, of deluding the populace; and they kept up, which we had heard so much, as he had by fanaticism, a system of deception for before observed, they might be repealed the most infamous purposes; they taught at a breath. With regard to the charge the poor and simple creatures who bore of Atheism, so lavishly heaped on the arms for a standard of royalty in France French people, he might dispose of the to depend upon the religion for which whole of it at once, by saying, that we they fought, and pretended, by the most had nothing to do with the religion of barefaced tricks, to perform what could any other country. But upon that sub- not be done by natural agency. ject, those who charged the French people would be evident, by a list of the tools of with Atheism, were wrong: the truth was, their trade, which had been taken in a there were some Atheists in France before camp belonging to some of these royalthe revolution; but who and what were iststhey? Pampered, mitred priests, and aristocrats; none of what are called now the Sans Culottes; no, nor any of the middle class, by whom the nation is now supported. Aristocrats only were Atheists. In support of this, he would give their lordships an instance of what he himself

This

The Bishop of Durham said, he could not sit still to hear any more of what the noble earl proposed to deliver upon the subject of religion; it might, perhaps, be well adapted for the amusement of the National Convention, or the club of Jacobins, but it appeared to him to have no