| suade you against the indecent haste of committing yourselves to these assertions of an existing insurrection, until you shall make a rigorous inquiry where it is to be found. To avoid involving the people in the calamity of a war, without at least ascertaining the internal state of the kingdom, and to prevent us from falling into the disgrace of being, as heretofore, obliged perhaps in a week to retract every syllable that we are now called upon to say. To carry this into effect, I propose an amendment to the question, "by leaving out from the word, "throne" at the end of the first paragraph, to the end of the question, in order to insert these words: zealous attachment to the excellent constitution of this free country; our sense of the invaluable blessings which we derive from it, and our unshaken determination to maintain and preserve it:-To assure his majesty that, uniting with all his majesty's faithful subjects in these sentiments of loyalty to the throne, and attachment to the constitution, we feel, in common with them, the deepest anxiety and concern, when we see those measures adopted by the executive government which the law authorizes only in cases of insurrection within this realm: regularly acted upon this sort of principle; I do not care what the House of Commons may think, or what may be thought of them. It is not their verdiet that is to acquit me in any moment of difficulty or any hour of trial. I will agitate the people without: I will see whether they will bear me up in my measures; and as for the House of Commons, if, in the height of their confidence in me, they shall be made to say one thing today, I will make them, with equal ease, and without regard to their character, say another to morrow." Such is the true English of the principle of the right hon. gentleman's conduct, and this principle he has constantly acted upon, to the vilification" To express to his majesty our most of the popular branch of the constitution. And what is this, Sir, but to make it appear that the House of Commons is in reality what Thomas Paine, and writers like him, say it is, namely, that it is not the true representative and organ of the people? In the same way, and by the same language, might Thomas Paine bring a slander upon our courts of law, and upon the trial by jury. In the same tone, he might assert: "Do not tell me what a jury of twelve men may say of my book: do not tell me what these associations say: I reject all tribunals, either constituted by legal authority, or self-erected: give me the people for my judges, and I will prove that my doctrines are agreeable to them." Such language would square completely with that of ministers, and constantly have they resorted to the dangerous innovation of supporting themselves, without regard to the opinion of the House of Commons, by appeals one day to the crown, the next to the lords, and the third to the people, uniformly striving to exhibit parliament in the disgraceful and pitiful light of complete incapacity. Is it not wonderful, Sir, that all the true constitutional watchfulness of England should be dead to the only real danger that the present day exhibits, and that they should be alone roused by the idiotic clamour of republican phrenzy and of popular insurrection, which do not exist? Sir, I have done my duty, I have, with the certainty of opposing myself to the furor of the day, delivered my opinion at more length than I intended, and perhaps I have intruded too long on the indulgence of the House. [A general cry of "Hear him!" bespoke the perfect attention of the House.] I have endeavoured to per[VOL. XXX.] "That his majesty's faithful Commons, assembled in a manner new and alarming to the country, think it their first duty, and will make it their first business, to inform themselves of the causes of this measure, being equally zealous to enforce a due obedience to the laws on the one hand, and a faithful execution of them on the other." Mr. Windham said, that strange as it might seem, he should vote this night with those whose measures he had uniformly and conscientiously reprobated, in opposition to those whose political sentiments on almost every occasion were in unison with his own. It might appear extraordinary that he should be found defending the measures of persons with whom he had been so long in political hostility, and in some degree reprobating the principles of some of his political associates. He had his attachments, he confessed, and those attachments in lesser considerations might have some influence even upon his judgment. But upon a subject of the importance of the present, he was determined to be governed solely by a sense of duty. Indeed, he had ofter given his opinion in that House, that in [D] the year 1784 most unconstitutional mea- | enough. Had he observed it? Yes. He sures had been adopted, and unconstitu- had seen the intention of the enemies of tional principles maintained; and on the the present constitution expressed in same grounds he had often since repro- various shapes. He had seen it in the bated the conduct of ministers, who had confidence of their agents; in the boldpretty uniformly adhered to the system ness of those who wished the subverupon which they had come into power; sion of the constitution. He appealed nay, he was of opinion, that to the pro- to the House, whether they did not ceedings of 1784 we might ascribe the know and feel that there was a general evils of our present situation. But the alarm all over the country.-The next question now was, whether they were point to be considered, in the order which right in the present instance? And here, his right hon. friend had taken, was how he confessed, he could not agree with his far it might be fit to check the cause of right hon. friend in almost any of the this mischief by law, the question of the sentiments he had expressed that night. policy of doing which he had determined They differed either upon principle, or in the negative. It was true that the on the application of principle, on all the measures now pursued over the country, points of this subject. The foundation were such as had never been employed however of their difference lay in the before; but it must be observed, in state of this country at the present answer to this, that there never had been moment. "Was the country at this such an occasion before. Speculative moment in a state of danger, aye or no?" opinions had been published from time He was told, he said, that there was no to time in this country, and they might real cause for alarm among the people; have been continued to be published, but that the only alarm that was felt had been the manner of publishing, as well as the created by government. Government works published of late, were entirely must certainly have had strange and new. He believed the society for Conwonderful powers indeed to produce the stitutional Information began the system alarm every day expressed in different now pursued; it was soon transplanted parts. No, there were serious and well- into another country, in the fertile soil of founded alarms from the conduct, not of which it had thriven so well as to overthe officers of government, but from throw all order and establish confusion. those who had sworn an enmity to all Having had this glorious effect by transgovernment. Did not the whole country plantation, it was now brought to this feel it? Was not every town, village, country, for the purpose of producing the and hamlet filled with apprehension? same effect. The machine was so well Could a man enter into his own house, constructed, there were such skill, conor could he walk in a field, without ob- trivance, and management in the engiserving, that it occupied the whole of the neers, that unless parliament were attention of all ranks and descriptions of their guard, and the sensible and honest people. This was what his right hon. part of the community active in counterfriend had been pleased to make a matter acting their designs, the whole form of of argument, but what was really mere our government might be easily submatter of observation: a man should notverted. He spoke not from distrust reason on the probability or improbability of these events, but should observe upon the fact, and attend to the relation of others. If a man confined himself in one room of his own house he would know no more of what was going on in the next, than he would know what was going on in another country; but if he chose to be vigilant he might know a good deal more. So in the present case, if a man would not believe any thing but what he saw, nor see any thing but what he liked, it was not very probable that he would discover much of the alarm in question. But if he was at the pains to observe, the alarm was visible on merely, or rumour, but he knew, and it was notorious that there had been, and was now, a constant communication between persons in Paris and persons in London, the object of which was the destruction of our present form of government. This sort of counter alliance of the Englishman in Paris, and the Frenchman in London, had been regularly formed and the effect of it was felt already in an alarming degree; for in every town, in every village, nay almost in every house these worthy gentlemen had their agents, who regularly disseminated certain pamphlets; these agents were vigilant and industrious, delivered these pamphlets Mr. Burke called to order. He observed, that a gentleman was asserting a fact which he was satisfied could be proved, and a convenient season would soon arise for that purpose, that was, when there should be an inquiry into this business: but there could be no good reason why any gentleman delivering his sentiments should give up the sources of his information in this stage of the business. There might be good reason why they should not now be exposed. gratis, a proof there must be somewhere represented their societies as places for a society to defray the expense, for these the instruction of the lower class. The agents could not afford to be thus gene- proper meaning of fair instruction was by rous to the public without assistance; education to teach a man a mode of reathey could not pay for them out of their soning. But this instruction was nothing own pockets. No, the whole was a well- more than a general conveyance of partiarranged methodized plan, for gradually cular opinions. Again, they said that their undermining the principles of the British object was the propagating truth, and the constitution. This was not all, they pro- | improvement of the condition of man. ceeded with the solemnity of an oath, How well these points had been gained which was, that they were to be ready- we had recent instances. It was an Here the confusion arising from the loud attempt to reverse the order of society cries of "Prove, prove!" and "Hear, altogether. From the pulpit we had hear!" interrupted him for a few seconds, been accustomed to hear laid down, as when, the foundation of all happiness, obedience to the laws. From the Jacobin Club nothing was inculcated but disobedience to the law; and the doctrine that those who make laws in this country have no competent authority to make laws. These sentiments, if generally received, would very speedily overturn all order and government. The art with which these sentiments were introduced among the lower classes of society was consummate; they pretended that they taught nothing but philosophical truths; but instead of Mr. Windham then proceeded. He arguing philosophically in their books had heard long ago of the truth of what they made round assertions, and they he had just been stating from very un-acted wisely for their purpose by so questionable authority; indeed he had doing; for the persons to whom they been informed of it by an hon. member addressed themselves, were incapable of of that House, but it was not a fact of pursuing a subject logically from preany great consequence. The system he mises to a conclusion, nor would this had alluded to had been carried on all mode of reasoning suit their cause. Not over the country, more or less in the even these assertions were made, until northern part of this kingdom; great they had prepared the mind to receive pains had been taken with the poorer them; they gained the affections first by part of the community, to wean their flattering the passions, and then they proaffections from government; and it was ceeded to instruct, as they termed it. a fact notoriously known, that the whole Whether the law, even in the freest plan was supported by a purse which he country in the world, ought to permit believed was made up in France, this he every man to preach what doctrines he did not know, but he believed it to be the thought fit, and gain over as many procase. It might be said that the French selytes as he could, was a question that were not likely to contribute much money, had often been suggested, and which he having little or none to spare upon this should determine in the negative; for or any other such occasion, to which the these truths as they were termed, would reply was obvious-those who are in a dwindle into nothing, if the sentiment state of desperation have always the most built upon them could. be seen, and the money to squander upon acts of profli- consequences of them anticipated; but gacy and dishonour; besides poor and these poor peasants had not the power of wretched as they were, yet such sums deducing consequences, and therefore however large to individuals could not they listened to assertion.-Nor could he be of any great consequence to a nation. see the harm there was of preventing all The manner in which this business was endeavours to explain to a poor illiterate conducted was very artful. On putting fellow, whose extent of powers was but these works of sedition into the hands of barely adequate to the task of procuring the labourer, they always told him they food for his own subsistence, points which were intended for his instruction. They had divided the opinions of the ablest their motives were good, and therefore he wished them success; and so he should had their motives been ever so bad; that which they opposed was worse than any consequence that could have resulted from their success. He had been told, indeed, that no country ought to intermeddle with the internal affairs of another; this might be right in a limited sense, but it could not be so to the length insisted upon by some modern politicians; he could conceive many instances in which it ought to be departed from. Two nations might quarrel-one might be clearly in the right, and the other clearly in the wrong; the continuance of their contest might affect the interest of a third nation. Such a nation had a right to interfere. But did France pursue only her own internal regulation? Did she keep good faith in her decree, "That she abandoned for ever all ideas of foreign conquest? She professed, indeed, good will to all mankind, but before a Frenchman could be faithful, his nature must be changed. It was their object to lower this country, and in that they would persist until they should ac writers. He saw no great loss to society from putting an end to public house political clubs, and alehouse debates on politics; in short, he saw no reason why they should not be altogether suppressed. -Next came the question, where will you draw the line; whom will you take up, and whom will you suffer to pass by; or, shall no man give his opinion upon the constitution? He said, he could not distinguish in this case by any previous principle, which must depend, as all acts in the law did, upon the discretion of a competent tribunal, a jury. This point he illustrated by several observations upon the various denominations of homicide and libels. But would he call that treason in duodecimo, which was innocent in quarto? that was what he did mean, because much of the guilt in these cases depended upon the quo animo; and he who printed seditious sentiments would take care, if he intended mischief, that they should be within the reach of the lowest order. Many of these persons, it seems, had been calumniated by imputing to them motives which they did not avow, and intentions which they denied ; this ob-complish their wishes, if possible. What servation, was specious, but not solid, for it was well known they did intend what they did not profess, and this was demonstrable by their actions: some, indeed, when questioned, confessed a direct intention of subverting our government. If they were asked if they were friends to our government, they answered, yes. But they wanted no King, they wanted no Lords-all they wanted was a perfect representation of the people. Such a constitution would no more be the constitution of England than the constitution of Venice; in short, their view was to destroy all hereditary right, and perhaps afterwards to attempt an equalization of property; for one of their books stated, that a country could not be said to be truly free, where there was so much inequality among its members. Some gentlemen affected to treat these things with contempt, but they ought not in his mind, to be so regarded. It was true, the high ranks of life were not contaminated by these infamous principles; but if they were to cast their eyes downward, they would see there iurking underneath a sort of subterranean heat, that might burst forth with prodigious violence, if not im mediately extinguished.-With regard to the combined armies that marched towards the capital of France, he believed was to be said for them in the war against [42 Mr. Grey concurred with Mr. Fox in must fall upon ministers, if they had not considering the present as a most momen- taken every possible precaution to avert tous period. The situation of danger, in this calamity. He then entered into a which the country was at present placed, detail of the conduct of ministers, arose not from the combinations of level- particularly in raising the late alarm. The lers and republicans, who, he believed, bringing forward of the business of an were but few in number, and still less for- insurrection, he said, was to be considered midable, not from any riots which had as a device of the master politicians of originated from circumstances purely the time. He wished the whole of the local; not from any insurrections, the conduct of ministers to be attended to existence of which had been attached to upon this occasion. On the 21st of May no particular spot; but the danger arose they had issued a proclamation against from the measures of ministers, which had seditious writings, which as it was partishaken the pillars of the public security, cularly understood to be directed against which had threatened our commerce with Paine's publications, had excited a curiothe most fatal consequences from a war, sity with respect to that work, where forand which had even been attended with a merly it was not known. During the still more serious evil, by introducing a summer, nothing more had been heard, practice hostile to the principles of the no prudent precaution had been taken. The constitution itself. The hon. gentleman retreat of the duke of Brunswick, which he, who spoke last had not made the distinc- along with his right hon. friend, and every tion between alarm and danger. He had friend of freedom, considered as matter of mistaken his own apprehensions for the joy and exultation, had indeed thrown danger of which he was afraid. He was them into confusion; still however they ready to allow that writings of a certain left matters to be regulated by chance; tendency had been circulated in great nothing was heard, but of Mr. Pitt enprofusion, in consequence of the very joying the sweets of his new office, and means which had been taken to suppress Mr. Dundas being in Scotland reaping them; but the seditious effects which the fruits of his well-earned popularity. these writings were stated to have had All at once, on the 1st of December, upon the minds of the people, he com- London was surrounded with troops; the pletely denied. He did not believe the duke of Richmond threw himself into minds of the people to be so perverse as that post of danger the tower; an alarm to be disaffected to a constitution from was excited, of which neither the object which they enjoyed so many blessings. nor the cause could be discovered. Their natural good sense would prevent ministers could not state the cause of the them from adopting any doctrines sub- alarm which they had excited, they had subversive of that constitution. He was not jected themselves to the severe censure both a friend to Paine's doctrines, but he was of that House and the public. He could not to be deterred by a name from ac- not allow that the opinions of an indiviknowledging that he considered the rights dual should be set above the laws; and of man as the foundation of every go- therefore he thought that nothing but a vernment, and those who stood out specific cause could be admitted as a jusagainst those rights as conspirators against tification of those extraordinary mea the people. The dearest right of Eng-sures which had been pursued by minislishmen was to the possession of their constitution, while it was maintained on its true principles; but if it was abused, the effect must infallibly be to inflame men's minds, and ministers alone would be responsible for the consequences which might ensue. If the people complained of grievances, let those grievances be removed, and their discontents would cease. If the people were put in possession of their rights, there would be no longer any fear of internal or foreign danger.-Into the question of a war with France, he should not enter; he should only remark, that a heavy responsibility ters. If Mr. Secretary Dundas said, that he never was more astonished than at some things which had dropped from a right hon. gentleman opposite, with respect to universal liberty, and the unlimited right of discussion, points in which he differed from the wisdom and practice of all ages and countries. But had he forgotten, that upon a former occasion, he had acted inconsistently with those maxims which he now delivered, when he had concurred with the attorney-general in prosecuting a poor devil of a printer for a libel upon the House of Commons, relative to the |