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VI.

Casual alliances, arising from consanguinity, from CHAP. personal attachment, from vicinity, or from interest, had indeed frequently subsisted among the Italian states; but these were only partial and temporary engagements, and rather tended to divide the country into two or more powerful parties, than to counterpoise the interests of individual governments, so as to produce in the result the general tranquillity. (a)

(a) It is commonly understood that the idea of a systematic arrangement, for securing to states, within the same sphere of political action, the possession of their respective territories and the continuance of existing rights, is of modern origin, having arisen among the Italian states in the fifteenth century. Robertson's Hist. of Cha. V. vol. i. sec. 2. But Mr. Hume has attempted to shew that this system, if not theoretically understood, was at least prac tically adopted by the ancient states of Greece and the neighbouring governments. Essays, vol. i. part ii. Essay 7. In adjusting the extent to which these opinions may be adopted, there is no great difficulty. Wherever mankind have formed themselves into societies, (and history affords no instance of their being found in any other state) the conduct of a tribe, or a nation, has been marked by a general will; and states, like individuals, have had their antipathies and predilections, their jealousies and their fears. The powerful have endeavoured to oppress the weak, and the weak have sought refuge from the powerful in their mutual union. Notwithstanding the great degree of civilization that obtained among the Grecian states, their political conduct seems to have been directed upon no higher principle; conquests were pursued as opportunity offered, and precautions for safety were delayed till the hour of danger arrived. The preponderating mass of the Roman republic attracted into its vortex whatever was opposed to its influence; and the violent commotions of the middle ages, by which that immense body was again broken into new forms, and impelled in vague and eccentric directions, postponed to a late period the possibility of regulated action. The transactions in Italy, during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, bear indeed a strong resemblance to those which took place among the Grecian states; but it was not till nearly the close of the latter century,

СНАР.

VI.

of Fresco

But before Lorenzo engaged in these momentous undertakings, he had further personal dangers to encounter. The moderation of his conduct could neither extinguish nor allay the insatiable spirit of revenge that burnt in the breast of Girolamo Conspiracy Riario. Defeated in his ambitious projects by the baldi. superior talents of Lorenzo, he once more had recourse to his treacherous practices; and, by an intercourse with some of the Florentine exiles, again found, even in Florence, the instruments of his purpose. By their instigation Battista Frescobaldi, with only two assistants, undertook to assassinate Lorenzo in the church of the Carmeli, on the day of Ascension, being the last day of May, 1481. This attempt was not conducted with the same secrecy as that which we have before related: The friends of Lorenzo were watchful for his safety. Frescobaldi was seized; and having upon his examination disclosed his accomplices, was executed with them on the 6th day of the following month.(a) The treachery of Frescobaldi occasioned at Florence general surprise, and was almost regarded as an instance of insanity. He had been the consul of the Florentine republic at Pera, and it was at his

that a system of general security and pacification was clearly developed, and precautions taken for insuring its continuance. Simple as this idea may now appear, yet it must be considered that, before the adoption of it, the minds of men, and consequently the maxims of states, must have undergone an important change: views of aggrandizement were to be repressed; war was to be prosecuted, not for the purpose of conquest, but of security; and, above all, an eye was to be found that could discern, and a mind that could comprehend, so extended an object.

(a) The other conspirators were Filippo Balducci, and Amoretto, the illegitimate son of Guido Baldovinette. v. Ammir. lib. 25.

VI.

instance that Bandini, the murderer of Giuliano, CHAP. had been delivered up by Mahomet II. Yet neither the atrociousness of the crime, nor the dread of the example, deterred him from a similar enterprise. From this circumstance Lorenzo perceived the necessity of being more diligently on his guard against the attempts of his profligate antagonists; and whilst he lamented the depravity of the times, that rendered such a precaution necessary, he was generally surrounded, when he appeared in public, by a number of tried friends and adherents. In this respect he has not, however, escaped censure, although from a quarter where it should have been silenced by the sense of decency, if not by the feelings of gratitude. The kindness shewn by him to Raffaello Maffei, the brother of Antonio, who in the conspiracy of the Pazzi had undertaken to be the immediate instrument of his destruction, has before been noticed. (a) In return for such unmerited attention, this historian has availed himself of a measure which was rendered necessary by repeated instances of treachery, to represent Lorenzo as a gloomy tyrant, who supported his authority, and secured his safety in Florence, by the aid of a band of ruffians, and who found in music alone a solace from his anxiety. (b) The reputation of Lorenzo is not, however, likely to suffer more from (a) Vol. i. p. 203.

(b)" Post hæc Laurentius defunctus periculo, resipiscere paulatim, majoreque postmodum apud suos cives esse auctoritate, ac Tyranno propius agitare; cum sicariis incedere, excubiis ac nunciis diligentius invigilare, denique amissas in bello facultates undecunque recuperare cœpit. Vir aspectu tristi, ore truculento, sermone ingratus, animo factiosus, in curis agitans continuo, præter unum musicæ solatium." Raph. Volt. Com. Urb. p. 153.

CHAP. the pen of one brother, than his person did from the dagger of the other.

VI.

Expulsion

On the conclusion of the contest with the papal Turks from see, the first object, not only of Lorenzo, but of all

of the

Otranto.

the Italian potentates, was the expulsion of the Turks from Otranto. For this purpose a league was concluded, to which the Venetians only refused to accede. Suspicions had already been entertained that Mahomet II. had been incited to his enterprise by the representations of that state; and these suspicions were strengthened by the indifference which the Venetians manifested on so alarming an occasion. It is, however, probable, that they kept aloof from the contest, merely for the purpose of availing themselves of any opportunity of aggrandizement which the exhausted situation of the neighbouring states might afford. With the powers of Italy, the kings of Arragon, of Portugal, and of Hungary, united their arms. The city of Otranto was attacked by a formidable army under the command of the duke of Calabria; whilst the united fleets of the king of Naples, the pope, and the Genoese, were stationed to prevent the arrival of further aid to the besieged. The place was, however, defended with great courage, and the event yet remained doubtful, when intelligence was received of the death of the emperor Mahomet II. who had established the seat of the Turkish empire at Constantinople, and been the scourge of Christendom for nearly half a century. Upon his death, a disagreement arose between his two sons Bajazet and Zizim; in consequence of which, the Turkish troops destined to the relief of Otranto were recalled, and the place was left to its

VI.

fate. A capitulation was concluded on the tenth CHAP. day of September, 1481, by which the Turks stipulated for a free return to their native country; but the duke of Calabria, on the surrender of the city, found a pretext for eluding the treaty, and retained as prisoners about fifteen hundred Turks, whom he afterwards employed in the different wars in which he was engaged. (a)

tians and

attack the

Ferrara.

Whilst the other states of Italy were thus en- The Venegaged in the common cause, the Venetians had the pope been devising means for possessing themselves of duke of the dominions of Ercole d'Este, duke of Ferrara, and, by the assistance of Girolamo Riario, had prevailed upon the pope to countenance their pretensions. The duke had married the daughter of Ferdinand, king of Naples; an alliance which, as it contributed to his credit and independence, had given great dissatisfaction to the Venetians. The first aggression was the erection of a fortress by those haughty republicans, on a part of the territory of Ferrara which they pretended was within the limits of their own dominions. An embassy was immediately despatched by the duke to Venice, to avert, if possible, the hostile intentions of the senate, and to conciliate their good-will by the fairest representations, and the fullest professions of amity. Finding his efforts ineffectual, he resorted for succour to the pope; but Sixtus was already apprized of the part he had to act, and whilst he heard his solicitations with apparent indifference, was secretly preparing to join in his ruin. The motives by which Sixtus was actuated are not difficult to be discovered. If the family of p. 537.

(a) Murat. Ann. vol. ix.

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