1

That before Surrey's death blank verse in Italy had gone beyond the experimental stage, is not open to question. By 1515 both Trissino and Ruscellai had used it for drama; by 1520 Alamanni wrote a number of narratives in it; 1 the Api of Ruscellai in blank verse was published in 1539; and in 1541 had appeared a translation into blank verse of the Second Book of the Æneid, under the name of the Cardinal Hippolito de Medici, yet contemporaneously attributed to Molza.2 And it had been propounded as a theory by Felice Figliucci, who illustrated his principles by verses.3 What concerns us here, however, is not so much the fact as the motive. This was due to humanism. The guiding principle in the Poetica (1529) of Trissino is that modern poetry should become natural by a return to classical models. Thus the Api of his friend Ruscellai is a derivative from the Georgics. Still more is this true of Alamanni, who has curiously enough become the protagonist of modern theories. Of the ten elegies in the First Book, eight are translations from Theocritus and Bion. Moreover he defends this use of blank verse by an appeal to the classical usage. In Italy, then, blank verse originated in the desire to approach more nearly the system of classical versification, starting naturally with translations from classical authors and extending into other matters, such as Il Diluvio Romano. The translation into versi scolti of the Second Book of the Æneid is perfectly normal. Therefore, to insist upon the Italian origin of English blank verse is merely to remove humanism one degree.

4

There are two difficulties, however, with that hypothesis. The first is that there is no connection shown between Surrey and the Italian humanists, except that in 1532 both he and Alamanni were present at a court function in France. Surrey was at that time a young man of about fifteen or sixteen. Alamanni was thirtyseven years old. While, even in that age of caste, it is not im

1

1 This dating is taken from Luigi Alamanni, sa vie et son œuvre, by Henri Hauvette, Paris, 1903, p. 218.

2 Ortensio Lando, Paradossi, Paradox 23.

3 I know this only from Warton. Tiraboschi scarcely mentions him. (I suspect Warton's knowledge is limited by Ascham's reference).

4 "Con più ragion sarebbe che i primi inventori delle rime si scusasser coi Greci et coi Latini, dai quali fur del tutto damnate et fuggite, che io con loro." Quoted by Hauvette, op. cit., p. 219. The copy of the Opere Toscane, 1542, in the Yale Library lacks the Dedicatory Epistle; so that I have not verified the quotation.

possible that the chosen companion of the son of the King of England should hold literary conversation with a Florentine exile twice his age, it is inconceivable that the latter should not have left some comment upon such an auspicious event. And among all the verses flattering Francis and his court, there is not a line that suggests that he had even heard of a young poet of the blood royal of England. The second of the difficulties with this assumption is that it fails to provide for Grimald. The further assumption, entirely without proof, must be made that he was the imitator of Surrey. In the first edition of Tottel, dated June 5, 1557, two poems by Grimald in blank verse, The Death of Zoroas, and Marcus Tullius Ciceroes death appear. Sixteen days later, Tottel published Surrey's translation of the Second and Fourth Books of the Æneid. Unless there be a prior issue of the Surrey,1 to

1 The fourth boke of Virgil, intreating of the love between Dido (and Eneas) translated into English and drawne into a straunge metre by Henrye, late Earle of Surrey, worthy to be embrased. Printed by John Day for Wm. Owen at the Sign of the Cock. n. d. Of this edition a single copy remains, in the ChristieMiller collection at Britwell Court. As it has never been collated it forms the doubtful x in any discussion of the origin of blank verse. In spite of the courteous efforts of Dr. A. W. Pollard, as yet I have no facts in regard to it. The records show that it was sold in 1824 and in 1858. In my complete ignorance of the book, there is first the possibility that it may be a forgery. The date, 1824, is suggestively near the Collier forgeries. If this were proved true, it would explain the curious and unique addendum "drawn into a straunge metre.” It seems odd that the sixteenth century editor should have thus stressed the medium of the translation, since clearly that would not help the sale of his book; on the other hand, as the sole interest in 1824 lay in the fact that it contains the earliest example of the great English blank verse, equally clearly it is explicable why the forger should emphasize this fact upon the title page. Thus that the book is sham is a sinister possibility.

If, on the other hand, it be shown to be genuine, the question of the dating becomes imperative. Unhappily there are no data. It was printed for William Owen "at the Sign of the Cock"; Owen appears (Arber's Registers) in 1562 outside of Paul's, but where he was previously is unknown. The condition is summarized by Rudolf Imelmann (Surreys Aeneis IV in ursprünglicher Gestalt, Jahrbuch der Deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft, Band XLI, 82, note 1) where he posits the date 1554. The sole indication is the fact that Owen dedicates the work to “Thomas, Duke of Norfolk." Clearly Hazlitt's date 1548 is untenable, since in that year the Duke of Norfolk, Surrey's father, was an attainted prisoner in the Tower. Under these circumstances no bookseller in his senses would have headed a book with his name. If he be the Duke of Norfolk of the dedication, the time is narrowed from August 3, 1553, when his title was restored to him by

Grimald belongs the honor of the first blank verse published in England. But, as Surrey was executed in 1547, his verse must have been written before that date. On the other hand Warton suggests and the more the period is studied the greater appears his scholarship and the little relative advance made since his workthat Grimald's verses were "prolusions or illustrative practical specimens for our author's course of lectures in rhetoric." In that case they would have been written between 1541 and 1547. I know no method of settling the priority of either claimant. But, until that be done, Surrey's supposed indebtedness to the Italians merely explains half the problem.

Such are the facts. The only hypothesis that includes all the circumstances is that there was a general humanistic impulse in both Italy and England. The leader of that in England was Sir John Cheke. It will be remembered that he was teaching at Cambridge when both Ascham and Grimald were studying there.' Cheke's theory is definitely stated by Ascham. The passage, although so well known, is worth quoting almost entire.2

1

act of Parliament, to August 25, 1554, when he died. But it may refer equally to Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, the grandson of the preceding and the son of the poet, and it would be as appropriate. This, however, would make the date much later. During the sixties Norfolk lived in London, enjoyed great popularity and was so inclined toward learning that in 1566 he gave money to restore the buildings of Magdalen College, Cambridge. Against so late a date Fest (Über Surrey's Virgilübersetzung, Palæstra XXXIV, 10) objects that Owen would not have printed the Fourth Book alone subsequent to Tottel's edition of both books in 1557, and Imelmann adds that Tottel was privileged. Both of these objections seem based rather upon modern copyrighted editions, than on the conditions of publishing of the sixteenth century. If the Tottel edition were small, in a decade it may have been forgotten, Owen may never have seen it, or he may have obtained possession of a manuscript of the Fourth Book which he regarded as superior. This position receives some slight support from the fact that Ascham writing late in the sixties, (The Scholemaster, Arber's Reprint, 147), knows only this edition, and the "drawn into straunge metre" is comprehensible when it is realized that Gascoigne, who had himself used the meter, does not even discuss it in his Certayne Notes of Instruction 1575. Until the unique existing copy be carefully studied, I see no way to settle this question. As the later date is surely equally plausible, until the question be answered all arguments on the origin of blank verse must be regarded as tentative.

1 The avoidance by Ascham of any mention of Grimald is perhaps explainable on the same grounds that caused Tottel to expurgate him from the second edition of the Miscellany.

2 Ascham, Scholemaster, Arber's Reprints, pp. 144–149.

"This matter maketh me gladly remember, my sweete tyme spent at Cambridge, and the pleasant talke which I had oft with M. Cheke, and M. Watson, of this fault, not onely in the olde Latin Poets, but also in our new English Rymers at this day. They wished as Virgil and Horace were not wedded to follow the faultes of former fathers (a shrewd marriage in greater matters) but by right Imitation of the perfit Grecians, had brought Poetrie to perfitnesse also in the Latin tong, that we Englishmen likewise would acknowledge and vnderstand rightfully our rude beggerly ryming, brought first into Italie by Gothes and Hunnes, whan all good verses and all good learning to, were destroyed by them: and after caryed into France and Germanie: and at last receyued into England by men of excellent wit in deede, but of small learning, and lesse iudgement in that behalfe.

But now, when men know the difference, and haue the examples, both of the best, and of the worst, surelie, to follow rather the Gothes in Ryming, than the Greekes in trew versifiyng, were euen to eate ackornes with swyne, when we may freely eate wheate bread emonges men. In deeds, Chaucer, Th. Norton, of Bristow, my L. of Surrey,M. Wiat, Th. Phaer, and other Ientlemen, in translating Ouide, Palingenius and Seneca, haue gonne as farre to their great praise, as the copie they followed could cary them, but, if soch good wittes, and forward diligence, had bene directed to follow the best examples, and not haue bene caryed by tyme and custome, to content themselves with that barbarous and rude Ryming, emonges their other worthy praises, which they haue iustly deserued, this had not bene the least, to be counted amonges men of learning and skill, more like vnto the Grecians, than vnto the Gothians, in handling of their verse.

In deed, our English tong, hauing in vse chiefly, wordes of one syllable which commonly be long, doth not well receiue the nature of Carmen Heroicum, bicause dactylus, the aptest foote for that verse, conteining one long and two short, is seldom therefore found in English: and doth also rather stumble than stand vpon Monasyllabis. Quintilian in hys learned Chapiter de Compositione, geueth this lesson de Monasyllabis, before me: and in the same place doth iustlie inuey against all Ryming, if there be any, who be angrie with me, for misliking of Ryming, may be angry for company to, with Quintilian also, for the same thing: And yet Quintilian had not so iust cause to mislike of it than, as men haue at this day. And although Carmen Exametrum doth rather trotte and hoble, than runne smothly in our English tong, yet I am sure, our English tong will receiue carmen Iambicum as naturallie, as either Greke or Latin.

This mislikyng of Ryming, beginneth not now of any newfangle singularitie, but hath bene long misliked of many, and that of men, of greatest learnyng, and deepest iudgement. And soch, that defend it, do so, either for lacke of knowledge of what is best, or els of verie enuie, that any should performe that in learnyng, whereunto they, as I sayd before, either for ignorance, can not, or for idlenes will not, labor to attaine vnto.

The noble Lord Th. Earle of Surrey, first of all English men, in translating the fourth booke of Virgill: and Gonsaluo Periz that excellent learned man, and Secretarie to kyng Philip of Spaine, in translating the Vlisses of Homer out of Greke into Spanish, haue both, by good iudgement, auoyed the fault of Ryming, yet neither of them hath fullie hit(t)e perfite and trew versifying. Indeed,

they obserue iust number, and euen feete: but here is the fault, that their feete: be feete without ioyntes, that is to say, not distinct by trew quantitie of sillabes: And so: soch feete, be but numme (benummed) feete: and be, euen as vnfitte for a verse to turne and runne roundly withall, as feete of brasse or wood be vnweeldie to go well withall. And as a foote of wood, is a plaine shew of a manifest maime, euen so feete, in our English versifing, without quantitie and ioyntes, be sure signes, that the verse is either, borne deformed, vnnatural and lame, and so verie vnseemlie to look vpon, except to men that be gogle eyed them selues. The spying of this fault now is not the curiositie of English eyes, but euen the good iudgement also of the best that write in these dayes in Italie: and namelie of that worthie Senese Felice Figlincci 1.

And therefore, euen as Virgill and Horace deserue most worthie prayse, that they spying the vnperfitnes in Ennius and Plautus, by trew Imitation of Hon.er and Euripides, brought Poetrie to the same perfitnes in Latin, as it was in Greke, euen so those, that by the same way would benefite their tong and contrey, deserue rather thankes than disprayse in that behalfe.

And I rejoyce, that euen poore England preuented Italie, first in spying out, than in seekyng to amend this fault in learynng.

This passage, though written twenty-five years later, avowedly refers to the conditions at Cambridge. It is to be remarked that, as he states in the last sentence, it is a matter of pride that England in her classical revival was not at all influenced by Italian leadership. His testimony,-and it would be hard to find a better, at least for the Cambridge writers-is that unrimed iambic verse is due to humanism. Naturally owing to the familiarity of the pentameter line in English ears, that unrimed iambic verse became pentameter. In other words, that is what we call blank verse.

Ascham is the theorist of the movement, Grimald is the exponent. Possibly it was for this reason that the Archdeacon of Peterborough persuaded him to go to Oxford. In any case his poetry is, such as it is, humanistic. Even in the case of Surrey, if we must have unsupported hypotheses, it is surely as probable that he was influenced by such a man as Cheke, as by Molza.2 Happily we are not reduced to such alternatives. Humanism evolved blank verse from the nature of its being in both countries. And the English writers were encouraged to persevere by the Italian precedents.

1 Of course a misprint in Arber for Figliucci.

2 "Still, it is most likely that it was from Italian poetry (possibly Molza's translation of Vergil, 1541) that Surrey immediately drew the idea." Harold H. Child, Cambridge Hist. of Lit., iii, 200.