The Life of Gouverneur Morris: With Selections from His Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers ; Detailing Events in the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and in the Political History of the United States, Zväzok 3
Gray & Bowen, 1832
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The life of Gouverneur Morris, with selections from his ..., Zväzok 3
Úplné zobrazenie - 1832
administration advantage affairs America appears appointed army authority Bank become believe British called cause circumstances citizens commerce conduct Congress consequence consider Constitution course Court danger Dear Sir debt depend doubt duty effect England equal establish Europe existence expect experience facts favor force foreign France French friends gentlemen give given GOUVERNEUR MORRIS hands honor hope House idea important interest Italy judges King land legislature less letter means measures mentioned mind Minister Morrisania nature necessary never object observe obtain opinion party peace perhaps person political possession present President principle probably produce proper question reason received Representatives respect result secure seems Senate suppose taken things thousand tion told treaty true United whole wish
Strana 54 - Th' adventure of the bear and fiddle Is sung, but breaks off in the middle. When civil fury first grew high, And men fell out, they knew not why; When hard words, jealousies, and fears, Set folks together by the ears...
Strana 403 - The same clear right of the United States to the free navigation of the Mississippi, through the territories of Spain to the ocean, was asserted by the Congress under the confederation1.
Strana 185 - I knew as well then, as I do now, that all North America must at length be annexed to us. Happy, indeed, if the lust of dominion stop there. It would, therefore, have been perfectly Utopian to oppose a paper restriction to the violence of popular sentiment in a popular government.
Strana 66 - My policy has been, and will continue to be while I have the honor to remain in the administration, to maintain friendly terms with, but be independent of, all the nations of the earth ; to share in the broils of none ; to fulfil our own engagements; to supply the wants and be carriers for them all, being thoroughly convinced that it is our policy and interest to do so.
Strana 409 - This is not like the case of private citizens, for there, when a man is injured he can resort to the tribunals for redress ; and yet, even there, to dispose of property to one, who is a bad neighbor, is always considered as an act of unkindness. But as between nations, who can redress themselves only by war, such transfer is in itself an aggression. He who renders me insecure, he who hazards my peace, and exposes me to imminent danger, commits an act of hostility against me, and gives me the rights...
Strana 108 - SIR, It is a very long time since I had the pleasure of receiving a line from you or of writing to you. You may have reason to think that I am principally to blame since I had the last letter from you. I delayed writing in hopes of having some subject to write on & tho' I expected such I was disappointed.
Strana 402 - Cast not away this only anchor of our safety. I have seen its progress. I know the difficulties through which it was obtained. I stand in the presence of Almighty God, and of the world ; and I declare to you, that if you lose this charter, never ! no, never will you get another! We are now, perhaps, arrived at the parting point. Here, even here, we stand on the brink of fate. Pause — Pause — For Heaven's sake, Pause ! ! SPEECH OF JAMES A.
Strana 401 - I ask, will be the situation of these states (organized as they now are), if, by the dissolution of our national compact, they be left to themselves ? What is the probable result ? We shall either be the victims of foreign intrigue, and split into factions, fall under the domination of a foreign power, or else, after the misery and torment of civil war, become the subjects of an usurping military despot.
Strana 425 - ... be the fate of man. In this view, then, above all others, is that possession most precious. When it is in our hands we need no standing army. We can turn our whole attention to naval defence, which gives complete security both at home and abroad. When we have twenty ships of the line at sea;>and there is no good reason why we should not have them, we shall be respected by all Europe.