extend mercy and justice to an enemy even at the risk of danger or vital peril. When we consider the history of other campaigns against "native" forces-for instance, the little-known campaigns of Germany against the Herero tribes in southwestern Africa-the United States has much to be proud of and little to apologize for.

THE MARE ISLAND DISASTER

66

Following the disastrous explosion at the Mare Island NavyYard the Navy League issued a statement saying that it had received a communication from an official source giving the information that a time fuse was connected with the black powder magazine at Mare Island Navy-Yard which exploded on July 9 last, causing the death of five persons and the injury of thirty-one.' The name of the Navy League's informant was withheld, but the Navy League was authority for the statement that it was a person whose daily work would place him in a position to know the facts," and further that the information was transmitted to the Navy League "as a protest against official inaction in the case, and because of the apparently sincere conviction on the part of our informant that a dangerous softness is evident in the handling of labor questions by the Navy Department."

66

This announcement by the Navy League caused Secretary Daniels to suspend diplomatic relations with that organization. Now the official findings of the Navy Department in regard to the Mare Island catastrophe, recently made public, bear out the statement of the Navy League that the explosion was the result of a plot, but they deny that it is possible to form any opinion as to the exact method employed by those who have been guilty of destroying the magazine, and assert that labor influence in no way affected the course of the investigation. The Board of investigation states that it was assisted by every employee whole-heartedly." Furthermore, Commander Ellis, Inspector of Ordnance at Mare Island, has telegraphed the Department as follows:

66

The public statements that investigation was blocked by labor here are not true. Such imputations slander the brave and heroic labor men here who risked their lives to save this plant in successfully fighting the fire.

It can be said for the Navy League that it put forth its charges in an endeavor to secure the facts of the case for the public, and not in any spirit of hostility to the Secretary of the Navy. There does not appear at present, however, to be any need of attempting to go behind the returns of the board of official investigators.

There does seem to be a need, however, on the part of the Secretary of the Navy of viewing open criticism of his Department as something more than a personal attack. His action in ordering the refusal of all supplies sent through the Navy League for the comfort and aid of sailors of the Navy does not seem to have been dictated by the broadest considerations of public interest. Such supplies, however, we understand reach the sailors through the agency of individuals.

WHEN WITNESSES DISAGREE

In our issue of August 22 we summarized an article by Mrs. Gregory Mason which appeared in the "Japan Advertiser," Tokyo, reporting an experience of the American Mission to Russia during the journey home from Petrograd. Major Stanley Washburn, a member of this commission, sends us, in reply to an inquiry from us, a different version of the same incident described by Mrs. Mason. Mrs. Mason believed that the destruction of a bridge, the burning of buildings near the Root train, and the movement of the train containing the Root Mission indicated that an attempt was made by Russian Anarchists to injure or kill the American envoys. Major Washburn states in his letter that

No member of the party was at any time in the smallest personal danger from violence, nor was any member of it (as far as I personally am aware) ever treated with disrespect or lack of courtesy by any Russian while we were in Russia.

Major Washburn attaches little or no importance to the destruction of the wooden bridge described by Mrs. Mason.

On our arrival at Viatka we learned that a wooden bridge twenty versts ahead had been burned. There was some discus

sion as to whether it was incendiary and who had burned it. The only interest that it aroused in any member of our party was the question as to how long the repairs would take.

The second fire and the movement of the Root train Major Washburn describes as follows:

up

At noon on the second day of our delay an ice-house (the huge freight storehouse of the story) took fire. The Russians with us stated that it was due to spontaneous combustion, which frequently occurred in ice-houses along the line. Our train was three tracks distant, and was pulled perhaps a quarter of a mile the line, as the drifting smoke was disagreeable. The fire delayed the train perhaps two hours, and I do not think I have heard a member of the party allude to it since until the article in question appeared. In justice to our allies, who treated us with great courtesy throughout Siberia and Russia, a denial of this alleged attempt to wreck the Root train is more than justified.

Major Washburn's letter serves as an illustration of a wellrecognized truth, that two witnesses of the same event, equally honest and equally desirous of reporting the exact facts, may give conflicting testimony, and may differ in their interpretation of the events concerning which they testify. In this, as in other instances, some of the facts are of little or no importance. For example, it does not matter how far the train was pulled up the line. The real point at issue is whether this was an attempt to wreck the train and injure the party; and in the case of both witnesses the testimony in this regard is indirect, because it is derived from what others said at the time. We are inclined to believe that the facts, even as Major Washburn gives them, indicate incendiarism. That, however, is no reflection at all upon our Russian allies. There are enough criminals at large in America for us to realize that. And if it were nothing more than an accident, our relief is the same at the escape of the Root party from injury.

ON THE WESTERN FRONT AND ELSEWHERE

North of Verdun in the Meuse Valley the French have consolidated their gains and have added to them the important and famous fighting center Hill 304. This, together with Dead Man's Hill, the capture of which we reported last week, was originally gained by the Germans after stupendous losses, and now that the two hills have again come into French possession the Germans are finally outside that outer defense of Verdun which they had really penetrated at only two points: one in the northeast through Douaumont, the other west of the Meuse, guarded by Dead Man's Hill and Hill 304.

There were no notable advances on the western front during the week ending August 29. Intense fighting still rages around Lens, and apparently in some part of the town itself, for on one day of the week a fierce hand-to-hand struggle was reported within three hundred yards of the central railway station; in this the Canadians distinguished themselves.

Cuba has taken a helpful war measure in offering to the United States Government the German ships which were seized in Cuban ports when Cuba declared war. Even the small countries may help in this war, and if the entrance of Liberia, which recently took place, at first provokes a smile, we should remember that it is one more indication of the fear of small and democratic countries in recognizing Germany's ultimate aim of world dominancy. Greece is now formally in the war; indeed, as its Premier, Venizelos, had raised military forces to aid the Allies before the expulsion of Constantine, the announcement was hardly necessary.

ITALY'S VICTORIOUS ADVANCE

The Italian offensive culminated in the capture of Morte Santo on August 24. This is a peak over two thousand feet high which stands about seven miles to the north of Gorizia. It commands valleys and plain stretching far to the south and east. Like Mount Hermada, which bars the road along the coast to Trieste (see map), Monte Santo has been a center of resistance which seemed almost impregnable. The assault upon it by General Cadorna's army was a magnificent military effort, and its capture one of the most brilliant achievements of the war. Reports were published last week that Trieste, the ultimate

The territory included between the two lines with heavy dots indicates Italy's gain up to August 29. Note particularly Monte Santo

objective of General Cadorna, was being evacuated by the civil population at the Austrian order. This does not at all mean that Trieste is likely to fall within a few days, but it does indicate the recognition by Austria of the weakening of her forces and the danger of rapid Italian advance. A study of the accompanying map will show the remarkable way in which Trieste is defended by nature from attack, and will show also that those who have been impatient at the slowness of the Italian advance do not understand the difficulties of the situation. For the Italian offensive to press along the coast almost under the shadow of the Carso Plateau is hardly to be expected. Therefore a corresponding advance must take place from Gorizia south before Trieste can be directly attacked. It is to clear the way for this advance that the recent Italian offensive has been directed. The Austrian armies were strong to the north of Gorizia, and most of the gains lately made were in the nature of bending that Austrian line back toward the east and ultimately toward the south.

Italy has gained in this offensive not merely in driving back and weakening the Austrian lines, but especially in the capture of prisoners, the number of whom, up to August 27, was said to be well over 23,000.

RUSSIA'S NATIONAL CONFERENCE

It seems to be the hope in Russia that the national conference at Moscow may prove to be a sort of "melting-pot" of shifting parties and political and social theories.

So far that is, up to August 29-there is some evidence of a crystallizing into two large groups; one group includes the Constitutional Democrats, whose most noted leader is Professor Paul Milyukov, an interview with whom by our Staff Correspondent appears on another page. The other group is of the radical and

Socialistic men, and they now appear to regard the present head of the Provisional Government, Mr. Kerenski, as their leader. There is a comforting indication in despatches from Moscow stating that the substantial and moderate people of Russia are tired of irresponsible vagaries, and are gaining strength in their effort to center Russian effort on order and military achievement.

The one figure which in this conference has stood out with force and definiteness is that of General Korniloff, who has been in anticipation hailed by many as the "savior of Russia.' This designation had already been applied to Mr. Kerenski. As actual head and almost dictator, Kerenski has undoubtedly been the leading figure in the last few weeks, but there is now a feeling that he weakened rather than strengthened his position by his opening address at the Moscow Conference. To some the address seemed to lay too much stress on the revolutionary power instead of the power of law and order which must follow revolution; thus he boldly declared that "those who think the moment has come to overthrow revolutionary power with bayonets are making a mistake;" and yet, in the next breath almost, he declared: "Whatever ultimatum is presented, I shall subject it to the supreme power [apparently meaning the army] and to myself, its head." All this was taken as a threat to the moderate political elements in Russia. On the other hand, the extreme radicals did not think that Kerenski went far enough. The comment of one correspondent was that Kerenski's speech "did not satisfy a single party or succeed in uniting the different groups in mutual service for the country."

General Korniloff, who came straight from his headquarters as Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Armies, and returned thither after his brilliant speech, certainly carried the conference with him, for the time being at least. His message was clear and simple and his utterance that of a soldier. He was cheered on every side when he said, "We are fighting anarchy in the army. The army must be regenerated at any cost." He demanded, rather than advised, strenuous measures, restoring the death penalty for military offenses and lessening the powers of the committees which now in the regiments act as "advisers" and often even dare to dispute military commands. It was good but bitter medicine for the conference to listen to General Korniloff's plain statement that the situation on the front is bad; that the enemy is knocking at the gates of Riga; and that if the army does not hold firm the road to Petrograd will be opened wide.

That the United States still believes in the future of Russia and means to help it to the utmost is indicated by President Wilson's earnest message to the Moscow conference and by the announcement that our Government will advance another hundred million dollars to Russia. This was followed by a statement to press correspondents from Secretary Lansing that he believed that the Provisional Government in Russia is stronger than ever, both in a political and military way, and that the recommendations of the Root Mission are now being carried into effect.

THE YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION
WAR WORK

In this war, as never before, millions of women are taking men's places in various industries. Some of these industries are hazardous occupations which maim and disfigure. In war time a maimed man is a hero; in this war not a few maimed women are heroines.

At the existing factories and in some communities where factories are to be established there are no decent living conditions for women. There should be. To make them is especially women's work-the first necessity being rest and reading rooms, and a cafeteria where women can get wholesome food at moderate prices, and where they may find friends ready to advise, comfort, and give help.

The second need for women's work is found in our military camps. Soon there will be in the United States eighteen Regular Army camps, thirteen officers' training camps, sixteen National Guard camps, sixteen National Army camps-that is to say, sixty-three training centers; also many navy and recruiting stations, recruiting camps, and bases of reserves. In maintain

ing proper social conditions in the neighborhood of these camps women can do an infinite amount of good. As might be expected, the Army heads recognize this, and on June 1 the Commission of Training Camp Activities of the War Department asked the Young Women's Christian Association to furnish expert women workers to live and work in the training .camp neighborhoods. Describing actual conditions, Mrs. D. H. Morris, of the Association, said recently in an address:

In war factories where kindly matrons from the beginning have had oversight of the workers, where sanitation and rest and wholesome recreation are provided, there is no abnormal amount of immorality.

The commanding officer at Plattsburg requested that we erect a Hostess House, and, after it had been running for some time, reiterated his conviction that it filled a pressing need. Is the erection of Hostess Houses near training camps worth while? No wonder that $25,000 was subscribed at that meeting. The Young Women's Christian Association war work for 1917 will involve a million dollars. Nearly half has been raised.

THE RETURNED ARCTIC EXPEDITION

The specific purpose of the MacMillan Expedition, which arrived in Sydney, Nova Scotia, last week, after four years in the ice-bound regions, was to verify or disprove the report of Admiral Peary that a hitherto unseen stretch of land named by him Crocker Land existed beyond Cape Hubbard. It had already been suggested that Admiral Peary was deceived as regards the supposititious Crocker Land by a mirage. This is now definitely confirmed, and it is interesting to note that, as Mr. MacMillan states, he was himself deceived for a time in the same way. A mirage caused by layers of air at different densities at a distance presented the appearance of land to Peary, looking from a high cliff, with green hills rising in the distance. Mr. MacMillan mounted the same cliff and saw the same mirage, but, approaching closely, the deception disappeared. There never has been any intimation from any one that Peary's report was not in perfect good faith.

Apart from the Crocker Land exploration, the MacMillan party did an immense amount of smashing through the ice in Melville Bay to the northwest of Cape Hubbard and elsewhere. They discovered a glacier which is second in size only to the famous Humboldt glacier. They found two islands never before reported and made surveys on the coast of Ellesmere Land.

One may imagine with what avidity the returned explorers longed for the history of the last year. They had received a few brief messages since the great war began, but it is noted that for three years an argument was carried on in the party as to whether or not the Germans had taken Paris.

AMERICAN PRISONERS IN GERMANY

There are about a hundred American prisoners in Germany. Most of them are civilians taken off American merchantmen that have been sunk by submarines. More recent arrivals have been members of gun crews from destroyed merchant ships.

Provision for their relief and for that of other Americans who may be taken prisoners is made necessary by the German policy of giving prisoners inadequate war food. The high death rate among Russian, Rumanian, and Serbian prisoners in Germany and Austria has been largely because Russia and the Balkan States could not organize the rationing of prisoners of their nationalities from their home countries. British, Canadian, and Australian prisoners in Germany now depend upon the food shipped to them from London by the Central Prisoners of War Committee, which, by arrangement with Germany, sends three times a fortnight food parcels to the prisoners.

The American Red Cross, we are glad to say, has taken up a similar work. It is already forwarding to Berne, the capital of Switzerland, for despatch to the Americans in Germany, stocks of foodstuffs.

Ninety-five per cent of the British packages sent into Germany, with postal card receipts, to be mailed by the prisoners, have been duly receipted for. The American Red Cross also will inclose postal cards as means of making sure that our prisoners do actually receive the food parcels.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY TO THE POPE

B

Y his firm, courteous, definite declination of the Pope's invitation to America to enter with our allies into negotiations with the German Government on the basis of the situation before the war, President Wilson, interpreting the mind of the American people, has rendered a service to this country, to the Allies, and to the world for which freemen are no less thankful because it was done in the line of his duty. By this reply to the Pope President Wilson has added new bonds to our union with our allies, has served to divide our enemies, has weakened the force of pacifism and disloyalty at home, and has reinforced the power of democracy in Russia and even in Germany.

It was fitting that the President at the outset of his communication should express the natural desire of America for the normal life of peace; but it is a true understanding of the temper and spirit of America that has led him to subordinate that desire to the determination to reach the goal of a peace that is "stable and enduring.'

Because this letter is concise and is likely to serve as in substance the reply of our allies as well as our own reply, we have reprinted it elsewhere in full.

By this document the President has strengthened the bonds of our union with our allies, for he has stated officially and with new emphasis our common aim. He has declined to enter into a discussion of any specific question, such as the territorial rights of Poland, of the Balkan States, of France, or even of Belgium, whose rights Germany herself has admitted she violated, because all these are significant only as they have to do with that common aim of Germany's enemies. In stating that the object of this war is "to deliver the free peoples of the world from the menace and actual power of a vast military establishment " he has stated the case of Belgium and of France and of England and of Italy, of Poland and the Balkans and Armenia, of the submarine piracy, of the Lusitania, of Edith Cavell, of the crew of the Belgian Prince, of outraged womanhood and desecrated childhood, of all that has accompanied the brutal but futile machinations of Prussian frightfulness. Divided in language, in custom, in traditions, in methods of government, we and our allies are united in this one common object. By reasserting it President Wilson has made that union more than ever secure.

By this reply the President has served to divide our enemies, for he has put into a document that will circulate throughout the world the fact that must impress those nations that have served as the satellites of Germany with the fact that they are satellites. Military autocracy can calmly brook no rival. Whatever serves to reveal its ambition serves not only to arouse resentment against it on the part of the common people whom it has mastered, but also suspicion on the part of rival military powers which it has used to its own end. The only unity in the Central Powers is that supplied by the mastery of the autocracy. By his exposure of that President Wilson has done much to deprive our enemies of the only bond of union that they have. By his reiteration of the proof of Germany's faithlessness and moral bankruptcy President Wilson has weakened every argument of the disloyal and of the pacifist at home. Even the proGerman in this country cannot make headway with his argument if the nation on whose behalf he pleads has a Government that has forfeited every decent man's respect. And the pacifist has no basis for his argument for peace so long as it is clear to mankind that the enemy cannot be trusted to keep any peace except that which comes through the desolation of the conquest of free peoples. Peace can never be one-sided. President Wilson, by showing that Germany under present conditions has neither the spirit for the making of peace nor the character that can be trusted to keep the peace after it has been made, has struck a telling blow against both pacifism and disloyalty.

By his willingness officially to recognize the distinction between the German people and their masters he has provided the real leaders of Russia with new authority for their arguments with the false prophets of peace, and has delivered to the German people an invitation to take up on their own behalf the cause of freedom for which the Allies are fighting. It is entirely consistent to recognize the fact that the masters of Germany

have been so long masters that the people have become their willing servants, sharing their philosophy and unitedly undertaking to carry out their will, and at the same time to recognize that, whereas the masters of Germany can probably never be taught to respect any interest but their own ambition, the people of Germany may through the hard school of experience learn to realize to what depths they have allowed themselves to be dragged, repent of their folly, and learn in time how to take a place beside civilized peoples.

How great is the feeling among German people for democ racy it is impossible for those outside Germany to know; but so long as they continue to support the forces of autocracy peace with them is impossible. The President is wise in saying that we must await some new evidence of the purposes of the peoples of Austria and Germany. The first evidence of a purpose that will make possible the beginnings of peace will be unconditional surrender.

66

A LEVY ON INTELLIGENCE

Virtually only one House has been in session at Washingtonthe Senate. The House of Representatives has been marking time while the Senate has been discussing the great Revenue Bill.

The chief recent subject of discussion has been the taxation of excess profits, or, more properly speaking, war profits. There has been a tendency on the part of the Senate to increase the taxation which the Finance Committee of the House recommended. The general principle of the taxation of war profits is a sound one. War, as we have pointed out, is a creator and accumulator of wealth, as well as a destroyer of it. It is the wealth which war creates and accumulates that should be the chief source from which to derive money to pay the cost of war. The chief difficulty is in determining what are the profits that have been caused by the war. England has solved that problem fairly well. Every effort should be made to determine the basis of estimating those profits justly. To compare the profits of a year of war prosperity with those of a particularly lean year before the war is not just. A good average should be taken, or else a choice should be allowed between certain years, as a normal year. One advantage of a large tax on war profits is that it makes unnecessary a great number of taxes on consumption and on business and on individuals that would be less logical, would yield less revenue, and would cause widespread irritation.

Among these lesser sources of revenue in the bill as it passed the House is postage on letters and on periodicals. The Senate eliminated from the bill the proposed increase of letter postage; but it adopted a zone system for second-class matter. This zone system does not involve as heavy an advance as that adopted by the House, but it is nevertheless so heavy as to threaten many periodicals with disaster. It was argued in the debates that the second-class postage did not pay for the transportation of second-class matter, and that the Post-Office Department ought to pay for itself, for it is rendering a service to the people. Of course the Department of Agriculture, the War Department, the Navy Department, are rendering a service to the Nation, but no one expects them to be self-supporting. It depends upon the nature of the service as to whether or to what degree it should be paid for by taxation and in what degree it should be paid for by rates. In the case of second-class matter, every service the Government renders is rendered, not primarily to the publishers, but to the people, and any increase in postage will ultimately, because it must, be paid by the people. Whatever advantage there has been in a uniform postal rate throughout the country has been an advantage to the people primarily. If it finally adopts the zone system, Congress will abandon a principle which has prevailed for many years, and which has served as much as anything else to make this Nation something more than a collection of States. If the zone system is agreed to in conference between the two houses, the result will be unquestionably the ruin of a large number of periodicals, the survival of the stronger but not necessarily the more serviceable, and lasting injury to the chief forces for the creation of National opinion. It is particularly unfortunate for this to happen at this time, when the Government is appealing to the

Nation to act as one in the taking of Liberty Loans, in the discriminating conservation of food, as well as in support of the fighting forces of the country. This action, if adopted by Congress finally, will mean the triumph of localism and sectionalism over the spirit of the Nation.

The cost of government should be levied upon wealth and not upon intelligence.

WISE MINNEAPOLIS

The pacifists and pro-Germans proposed to hold on September 1 a convention in Minneapolis which has since been prohibited in his State by the Governor of Minnesota, because he believes it would lead to disorder. The citizens of Minneapolis had declined to rent them any hall. The delegates secured a lot and were going to put up a tent. Both the citizens and the delegates have set an example from which the rest of the country might well learn a lesson.

Now any orator who can buy or borrow a soap-box to stand on, and can find a place in a public park or a public highway, can gather there an audience of curious passers-by or of chronic idlers to listen to his wisdom. Free speech is fundamental in democracy; but there is no reason why every would-be orator should be allowed a place in the public highway or in the public park for his extemporized meeting. Atheists may convince us, if they can, that there is no God; Anarchists, that there ought to be no government; pacifists, that democracy ought to surrender to any autocrat who assails it. But they have no right to demand that the people shall be taxed to provide them a place for their propaganda.

Our streets and highways are constructed for the use of the public in the transportation of people and goods. Public parks are set apart for the rest and recreation of overworked and overwearied citizens. Agitators, reformers, philosophers, preachers, should be allowed to market their wares within the limits of public safety, but the public should not be required to provide them with a market-place. When the friends of Billy Sunday wanted him to talk to the people of New York City, they did not invade Central Park and put up their tent in that recreation ground. They hired the land and put up the tabernacle for their representative preacher. There are not many citizens of New York who hold the opinion that the public service of the soap-box orator is greater than the public service of Mr. Sunday.

It would be well for every State Legislature to provide by law that no public street in the city and no highway in the country should be used for any other purpose than transportation and occasional processions-which are, after all, a form of transportation-when approved by the local authorities; and that no public park should be used for any other purpose than rest and recreation.

Some of the pacifists in New York City are moving to secure a fund for the construction of a hall to be opened to any orator who has anything he wishes to say to the public. This is as it should be. Those who want this kind of free speech should contribute to the erection of such a hall, and the public parks and the public streets should be reserved for the public use for which they have been constructed and to which they have been dedicated.

THE HOUSTON MUTINY

On August 23 Negro soldiers of the Twenty-fourth Infantry precipitated a riot in the city of Houston, Texas, which resulted in the death of seventeen persons and the wounding of more than a score. It is reported that more than one hundred and twenty-five Negro soldiers were involved in the riot. These soldiers stole company ammunition, seized their rifles, and started toward the city, shooting indiscriminately. They murdered a militia captain and mutilated his body. They killed mounted police who attempted to halt them. The rioters were stopped only by the intervention of Illinois Guardsmen and armed citizens of Houston.

Such is the bare outline of what appears to have been one of