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THE NEW "GREAT PRESIDENT" OF CHINA, LI YUAN-HUNG

BY JEREMIAH W. JENKS

Professor Jenks, whose standing as a political economist and writer on social, industrial, and financial topics is well known, sends this article from China, where he is at present as a representative of the Far Eastern Bureau. Few, if any, Americans are better acquainted than Professor Jenks with the actual condition of affairs in China.-THE EDITORS.

M

Y first impression of the new President of China-"Great President" is the official title-was received when he was still Vice-President, with no official duties to perform. He was practically held as a prisoner in Peking. For a time after coming up from the south he was compelled to live on a little island in the palace grounds where the Emperor Kuang Hsii had passed his days under guard after the coup d'état of 1898, when the old Empress Dowager again seized the reins of power. Some months ago he was allowed to come out into the city, and the Government provided for his residence the former palace of Jung Lu, whose life Yuan Shih-kai had spared when the young Emperor had ordered him killed, and who afterward had done much to further Yuan's influence. The place had been put in order, and Li lived there comfortably. The grounds are large, with an artificial pond, piles of rockwork with summer-houses on top, flower gardens, and trees. The Vice-President was permitted at that time to have his own personal guards, but the guard of honor at the gate was furnished by the Government; and, while he was allowed to receive visitors, the names of these were reported and his letters and telegrams were subject to censorship.

As he received me in what was his study and working-room as well as sitting-room, he appeared a strong, robust man, with a dark complexion, kindly eyes, a pleasant, friendly, intelligent expression. In manner he is simple, unaffected; in conversation he goes straight to the point. We talked for a time on matters of general importance, especially, however, about farming, in which he takes a great interest. He owns a large farm near Wuchang, on the Yangtze River, on which some Americans have been making experimental studies in raising tobacco and other crops. A short time ago he added to his possessions until he owns now from nine hundred to a thousand acres of land in that

neighborhood. He is anxious to have that land developed along modern lines, not primarily from motives of personal profit, but to furnish an example to farmers of that region while paying at the same time. China is largely an agricultural country, and he feels that, in spite of the old-time skill of the people, there is still much to be learned from foreigners about machinery, the crops best suited to the locality, the best seeds, and methods of improving the quality of crops. He took up the question of securing an American farm superintendent to direct these experiments, asking carefully regarding the wages that such a man would expect and the results that might be anticipated.

Later, however, the conversation turned to political conditions, and he discussed with acuteness and skill the legal aspects of the situation under the Nanking Constitution and under the later so-called Constitutional Compact. His sympathies were evidently with the south and its revolutionary activities, although he showed no sign of the extreme radicalism manifested by some of the more outspoken leaders of the extreme factions. Indeed, when the opposing arguments were brought forward for his consideration, he analyzed with keenness and judgment the position on both sides, showing their weaknesses as well as their strength. I was at once impressed by his balance of judgment, considering the exciting circumstances of the time and the fact that his own personal fate was hanging in the balance. He spoke with evident sincerity of his love for a simple, peaceful life, and told, quite after the manner of Washington, how much he should enjoy living quietly on a farm and making his studies for the benefit of the community. But when the question was raised as to the responsibility that rested on public men and the need for public action, I shall not soon forget the flash of his dark eye as he said, promptly, "When the need for action comes, one must not shirk responsibility, but must

be ready to perform his duty." One could see that he would not hesitate when his country called, although at that time no one could anticipate how soon he was to hear the call. At other times, while he was still living in retirement, the same characteristics were brought out even more strongly. At luncheon the fare, though good and plentiful, was simple and simply served, as alone was fitting; and yet his monthly salary of fifteen thousand dollars gold would have enabled him to make a display in his palace grounds and to enjoy luxurious living had he desired it. For, although out of his salary he had to pay his personal servants and guards, the residence had been fitted up for him by the Government and his expenses were not large.

But it is one of his characteristics to be careful in all money matters. He has always been so. His father, Li Chao-hsiang, although a military man of note who had risen to the post of lieutenant-colonel, was still poor, having only a soldier's salary, and Li, the younger, had in consequence learned to be thrifty. His thrift, however, had not degenerated into stinginess. When he was in command of troops at Wuchang, in a position of power with money sent him liberally, which generals often used for their own personal needs, he spent his money for his soldiers, promoting their comfort rather than accumulating wealth for himself. And again, when asked to pay the Viceroy of his province for promotion to a higher position where his opportunity for wealth-getting would have been great, he positively refused to pay anything for such appointment. I recall, however, that payment for positions was so much a custom of the country in those days that the Imperial Government at Peking actually set aside as a fund for the accumulation of a gold reserve to form a basis for monetary reform the moneys to be received from prospective office-holders for their appointments, decreeing that such moneys must be paid in gold. Honest in receiving his money, Li is equally honest in spending it—a type of official perhaps especially needed in China.

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dent cadet and inspector at grand military maneuvers. Besides military service in the revolutions, he had experience as co-director of the Military Academy, director of the Hanyang Arsenal, and superintendent of the Military Middle School. He is, then, it will be seen, one of the best scientifically trained soldiers in China as well as a man of practical experience.

Although as Vice-President Li had practically no opportunities for active governmental work, he still was not idle, but worked hard making plans for his estate, reading serious works on history, especially the political and financial history of different countries, besides keeping up with his military studies, foreign and domestic. A still more striking fact, perhaps, was his refusal of a princedom with its emoluments when the monarchy movement was at its height. He was approached to support the monarchy and offered a princedom, but when the emissaries of the Government came to confer upon him the honor he is said to have listened to their formal address in silence, then to have turned upon his heel and left the room without a word; and later when the financial allowance of a princedom was brought to him he refused it, saying he had not accepted a princedom. Only a short time ago, when the President's salary of $50,000 gold a month was at his disposal, he is said to have recommended a decrease. He is still living in his former dwelling. It is possible that when he moves to the Presidential palace and finds the added expenses from the large number of retainers who must be employed to keep the buildings and grounds in fitting order as well as the public uses to which he may well put part of this salary, as did his predecessor, this thought of the best way to carry out his views may change.

Unlike his predecessor, Li can converse in English. He speaks, however, with hesitation, and he usually employs an interpreter, so that there will be no misunderstanding.

He likes to take his exercise on horseback, but he seems to take no interest in sports like hunting or fishing. The life of a soldier and his home suffice. At home he is fond of his children and often takes exercise in bowling or playing billiards with his older son. Far more than most Chinese is his home life like that of many Americans. He has had five children, of whom four are now living, all the children of one wife. Father and mother are taking a great interest in their

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education. Circumstanced as they are, their training is, of course, through tutors. They are studying mathematics, drawing, history, geography, and English, besides giving a due amount of attention to Chinese classics. It is Li's intention that the boys shall go abroad for their training, and quite possibly all the children in time. His oldest child, Chao Fen, a charming girl of sixteen, full of life and energy, quick in her studies, is sedate, modest in manner, but self-possessed and capable. On the death of Yuan, as her mother was ill, it was she who was intrusted by the new President and his wife with the message of condolence and sympathy and offers of assistance to the bereaved family. His second daughter, now ten years of age, was some time ago, in accordance with Chinese custom, betrothed to the tenth son of Yuan Shih-kai ; although, of course, some time will elapse before the marriage. His eldest son, Chao Chi, is fourteen years of age and well advanced in his studies-though not quite so interested in them as is his oldest sisterstrong and hearty, ready to join his father in games requiring skill and energy; a rollicking boy, full of fun and mischief. The younger boy, a child of four, with a roguish, happy face not yet touched by the responsibilities of study, has enough superfluous energy to keep the nurse and family busy.

In Government, as in business, we see in the President the same personal characteristics of a man of the true democratic type. He is interested in modern things, and hopes to apply the best scientific methods to Government as well as to farming and to other forms of business. As President he has the same unaffected way in greeting people that he showed before. Although greatly burdened by the cares of office at this most critical time in Chinese modern history, still he makes time to see any one from whom he thinks he may receive ideas worth while on governmental work. As he said the other day, he means to make his Government as far as possible a government of law, not at all a matter of personal ambition or personal rule.

He is trying unselfishly and honestly. to find out as best he can the real wishes of the people of China, and it is their wishes and their welfare that count with him. Some people are disposed to criticise the time he is taking in putting his new Government into shape. They think he should have acted at once in changing his Cabinet; but, quite after the fashion of a democratic ruler like Lincoln,

he is taking time to find out the wishes of his people and make changes as opportunity arises. Other changes are impending, but he wishes to make sure that each step shall be made so that it will not have to be retraced. In his manner the moral side of his character comes to the front. His secretary, Quo Taichi, a graduate of the University of Pennsyl vania, with excellent training in government and economics, says that one of the gratifying things that he has to think of is that during the four years he has been with Li he has never once been asked to do anything that could in any way offend the moral sensibility. The President thinks it possible to manage politics on a high ethical plane even in China. His predecessor, Yuan, a man of great decision and prompt in action, called attention more than once with admiration to Li's modesty, kindness, and honesty, as well as to his great ability.

People are interested, foreigners especially, in the question of the religious attitude of rulers of the East. From the American point of view, Li makes little pretense to any formal religion. He takes the religious teachings of his people as they are taught in the classics. He is not a Christian, but at the same time he has always been friendly toward the missionaries, and especially toward the Young Men's Christian Association. I recall the admiring tone of a librarian of one of the mission colleges who spoke of Li's attitude at the time of the revolution in the region about Wuchang. Whether he was Christian in profession or not, she felt there could be no doubt that he was Christian in spirit, a brave, noble, unselfish, patriotic

man.

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He has before him a tremendous task. trying to follow the will of the people he is, of course, attempting to break new ground. and the task will require great tact as well as great decision of character. Some people have thought him weak, but there can be no question that the picked men composing his Cabinet have already found him a man of strong will. It is too early to make predictions as to how great his success will be, but he is not shrinking from his task, however much he realizes the difficulties; and if he succeeds in establishing and maintaining peace, in uniting his country and keeping it independent of foreign domination, he will have won an unsurpassed success. Certainly all who know him wish for the best, and expect the best.

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