complain that the existing model schools, although strongly condemned by more than one royal commission, are still maintained at a heavy expense to the State, mainly for the benefit of middle-class Protestants."

The lurking of religious intolerance in the electoral body of Trinity College, Dublin, was painfully exposed in the circumstances surrounding the candidature of Mr. Lecky for the vacant University seat. Mr. Lecky's opponent was Mr. Wright, Q.C., a successful and popular lawyer, but quite unknown outside Dublin. At first, it seemed as if the contest would be only between lawyers and laymen; the former having for many years regarded the University seats as especially their own. When, however, it seemed that even some lawyers preferred to be represented by a man of worldwide reputation, religious passion was at once introduced into the struggle. Efforts were made to induce Mr. Lecky to explain his religious opinions, and to give pledges altogether at variance with that freedom of conscience which members of Parliament have a right to enjoy in equal measure with their constituents. Mr. Lecky manfully stuck to his determination to give no reply to any questions dealing with his religious opinions, which, as he said, were to be found in his writings. He was rewarded for his boldness, and the members of Dublin University conferred an honour upon themselves by electing him as its representative by a handsome majority.

Whilst, however, those who traded in politics had during the year laboured assiduously to keep up political excitement, the people, as a rule, took but little interest in either their impassioned appeals or their personal quarrels. There was on the part of those who had anything to do or to lose a marked return to habits of peace and order. The light railways and other permanent works had opened up districts hitherto inaccessible, and the inhabitants began to find markets for the products of their industry. Agriculture, aided by a favourable season, showed a marked improvement, and tenants who had bought their holdings under the Land Purchase Acts were able to appreciate their improved condition. Cattle rearing and horse breeding extended, as fresh stock was introduced by private enterprise or by the help of the Dublin Society and the Congested Districts Board. Dairy farming was fostered by the creameries or co-operative dairy societies founded in various districts, with remarkably promising results. Although, in view of a new land bill, there had been a considerable falling off in applications under the act of 1891, there was great punctuality in the repayment of advances made. From the passing of the act of 1891 to November 30 last, applications were received by the Land Commission for advances amounting to 3,184,9027. Of these applications 1,221 for 418,1267. were refused for insufficiency of security or for other reasons, and 7,501 for 2,438,5831. were provisionally sanctioned, and of those 6,146 loans to the amount

of 2,037,6981. were issued. Of the 10,000,000l. granted under the Ashbourne Act, 9,893,7747. had been advanced up to November 30, and the balance is in course of issue. In October last there were about 24,751 tenant-purchasers paying annuities under the Ashbourne Act, and about 4,270 under the act of 1891. The half-yearly sale, due May 1, 1895, under the former act amounted to 198,1377., and under the latter act to 33,5241. The total amount unpaid on October 31, including antecedent arrears, was 8,6731. The total amount of the guarantee deposits retained under the act of 1885 was 1,938,4461., and of this only 2,9761. had been applied in discharge of arrears of instalments.

Not only agriculture, poultry-farming, and village industries showed a marked improvement during the year, but from the greater willingness on the part of capitalists to invest in new enterprises, Irish trade was well maintained. The railway traffic showed large increases, the flax spinners were able to make good profits, and, notwithstanding the unfortunate strike at Belfast at the end of the year, the shipbuilding trade showed signs of renewed activity. Towards the close of the year the Congested Districts Board made an important step by purchasing Clare Island for the tenants; and it was hoped that, with larger means at its disposal, it would be enabled to extend its useful duties in the same direction.

FOREIGN AND COLONIAL HISTORY.

CHAPTER I.

FRANCE AND ITALY.

I. FRANCE.

A GENERAL feeling of uneasiness was manifest in the political situation from the very outset of the year. The severe sentence passed on Captain Dreyfus had given a fresh start to the doctrines of the Anti-Semites, and furnished the Socialists with a fruitful source of attack upon the administration of the War Office. Elsewhere serious symptoms of the thorough disorganisation of the Government were apparent. It was this state of affairs which gave such importance to the election, in the thirteenth district of Paris, of M. Gérault-Richard, a prisoner undergoing his sentence for insulting the President of the Republic. Under other circumstances this event would have passed with little notice, for the election of a Socialist in the place of a Socialistic Radical like M. Hovelacque, the outgoing deputy, had no effect upon the relative strength of parties in the Chamber. The choice of M. Gérault-Richard, after all, was not particularly remarkable, for the district for which he was returned had for years swung backwards and forwards between the two extreme parties. It was the official newspapers which, floundering into the controversy, managed far more than the papers of the Extreme Left, to give to the election of the imprisoned journalist the appearance of an affront to President Casimir-Périer.

A still greater blunder marked the election of the President of the Chamber, on the resumption of its sittings. Everything pointed naturally to the re-election of M. Henri Brisson. He was actually in possession of the post, and his previous occupancy of it, after Gambetta, had left an excellent impression of his firmness and dignity in the difficult position. The friends of the Ministry, however, cared little for these qualifications, and at once opened an active campaign in favour of some other candidate. They argued that, in view of the fact that the Moderate Republicans composed the majority of the Chamber, its President should represent their opinions. The difficulty was to find some one to nominate in opposition

to M. Brisson. Overtures were made to M. Felix Faure to induce him to give up the Ministry of Marine and to offer himself for the Presidential chair. M. Faure, however, declined to lend himself to this manoeuvre, and, in the absence of any other candidate, M. Brisson was elected (Jan. 8) President for the session; and M. Challemel-Lacour, in like manner, was reelected President of the Senate without opposition.

The first act of the Socialists on the meeting of the Chamber for regular business was to demand that M. GéraultRichard should be liberated from his prison, in order to take part in the duties of the Chamber. The motion was, however, rejected (Jan. 10) by a large majority, whereupon the Socialist group shifted their ground. Protesting against the decision, they accused the majority of wishing to violate the sacred rights of universal suffrage. M. Rouanet, a Paris deputy, in his eagerness to vilify those who differed from him, asserted that the Chamber was not capable of displaying political honesty, and for this outburst he was formally censured and temporarily suspended from his functions.

An opportunity was afforded of showing how little foundation there was to such a charge, on M. de Montfort's motion with reference to the Order of the Légion d'Honneur. By 350 to 119 votes the Chamber insisted that every promotion or nomination for special services should be submitted to the Council of the Order, and that in every case the nature of the services should be stated with the grant of the Order. This vote, apparently harmless at the time, was in reality a serious blow to the Government, and later led to the dissolution of the Grand Council of the Order. At the time it passed almost unnoticed in the storm raised by the judgment of the Conseil d'Etat on the conventions between the State and the railway companies.

A serious difference of opinion had arisen between the Minister of Public Works, M. Barthou, and the directors of the Orleans and Southern Railways as to the date up to which the State guarantees under the convention of 1883 were payable. On behalf of the Government it was asserted that the guarantee would cease in 1914, whilst the companies insisted that the intention was to maintain the guarantee as long as concessions of the lines themselves. The matter was referred to the Conseil d'Etat, as the Supreme Court of Appeal, and upon investigation it was found that the minister in office in 1883 and his colleagues had altogether omitted to take notice of the point. The Conseil d'Etat found itself forced to give judgment in favour of the companies, which thus, by the negligence of the minister, would receive a sum valued at 800,000,000 of francs; and M. Barthou thereupon withdrew from the Cabinet.

Such a spoliation of the taxpayers for the benefit of the stockholders was not likely to be passed without remark by the

Socialists in the Chamber. M. Millerand, one of the most brilliant and aggressive leaders of the Extreme Left, presented an order of the day (Jan. 14) declaring the Government unfit to conduct further negotiations with the railway companies, in view of the attempt to withdraw from the cognisance of Parliament a matter of such importance to the national credit. M. Millerand further called upon the Chamber to pass the following resolution: "The Chamber will nominate a commission to inquire whether there is ground to take proceedings against M. Raynal, former Minister of Public Works, for offences committed by him in the exercise of his functions." The Government stoutly opposed this motion, and after endeavouring to reassure the Chamber as to the effect of the judgment delivered by the Conseil d'Etat, expressed their willingness to accept a modification proposed by M. Trélat. To this amendment the House by 263 to 241 votes refused to accord priority, and the members of the Government thereupon withdrew; whilst the remaining deputies, numbering 314, voted unanimously an order of the day expressly declaring the rights of the Chamber in such matters.

Although the Ministry apparently fell upon a simple question of procedure, it was in fact discredited by the blunders of its chief. M. Charles Dupuy had in the end alienated everybody by his violence and his intrigues; but his fate led to a more serious crisis than was anticipated. It was noticed with surprise that contrary to usage the President of the Chamber had not forthwith (Jan. 14) been sent for to discuss the situation with the President of the Republic. The explanation was not long delayed, for to a Ministerial crisis a Presidential crisis had been added. M. Casimir-Périer, wearied by the underhand objections raised against the exercise of his prerogative, disgusted by the bitterly hostile attacks of which he was the daily object, and influenced by other undivulged reasons, came to the conclusion that, as Chief of the State, he had irretrievably lost his popularity and hold upon the nation. He therefore sent for the President of the Senate, M. Challemel-Lacour, a personal friend, and communicated to him his intention to resign. No arguments or entreaties availed against this determination, and Paris on awakening learnt (Jan. 15) that the Republic had no longer a President.

In the course of the day various efforts were made by the Republican group in the Chamber to come to an understanding with those in the Senate to settle upon a candidate. The bureaux of the groups met in the Library of the Luxembourg, but that representing the Left Centre in the Senate, after discussing certain names proposed, withdrew from the meeting, which eventually separated without arriving at a decision. Nevertheless, the Senator M. Waldeck-Rousseau, after having authorised his friend M. Trarieux, Senator for the Gironde, to say that he was not a candidate, ended by accepting the