VIII.

heavenly, which is the body of Christ, that is seen, not with the out- Henry ward eyes of the flesh, but with the sight of a faithful mind," &c.

1539.

Maurus,

Mentz.

We will now proceed to the testimony of Rabanus Maurus, bishop A.D. of Mentz, and scholar some time to Alcuinus, in Paris, an Englishman; who, living also in the same age with Haymo and Bertram (which was Rabanus eight hundred years after Christ), giveth the like testimony of this bishop of doctrine in his Book of Institutions; where he, asking the question why the Lord would give the mysteries of his body and blood then under such things as might be kept and reserved whole with great honour, thus he answereth again: "The Lord," saith he, "would rather that the sacraments of his body and blood should be received with the mouth of the faithful, and made to be their food, that by the visible action the invisible effect might be showed. For, like as material meat outwardly nourisheth and quickeneth the body, so also the word of God inwardly nourisheth and strengtheneth the soul: for man liveth not only by bread, but by every word proceeding from the mouth of God." And after followeth, "For this bread and drink signifieth the eternal society of the head and of the members together." And again: "For the sacraments are one thing, and the virtue of the sacrament is another thing. The sacrament is received with the mouth; with the virtue of the sacrament the inward man is nourished; for the sacrament is turned to the nourishment of the body; but, by the virtue of the sacrament, the dignity of eternal life is gotten. Wherefore, like as the same is turned into us when we eat of it, so also are we turned into the body of Christ, when we live obediently and godly," &c.

Who seeth not by these words of this bishop, what form of doctrine was then in the church received concerning this article of the sacrament, much diverse from this our gross opinion of transubstantiation?

2

With the same Rabanus, also, accordeth another of the like standing and doctrine also, called Christianus Druthmarus, who, writing upon Matthew, "The wine," saith he, " doth cheer and cherish the blood; and, therefore, not inconveniently the blood of Christ is figured thereby for whatsoever proceedeth from him to us, it cheereth us with true gladness, and increaseth all goodness unto us." And a little before, the said Druthmarus saith, "The Lord gave to his disciples the sacrament of his body to the remission of sins, and keeping of charity; that they, alway remembering his doing, might do that in figure, which he should do for them. This is my body,' saith he; that is, in sacrament." This Druthmarus lived also in the time of Charlemagne, as witnesseth the abbot of Spanheim.

After Bertram was Johannes Scotus, or else, as some call him, Johannes Erigena; a man well accepted with Charles the Bald, and afterwards with Louis the Stammerer, about A. D. 880. He wrote a book, De Corpore et Sanguine Domini,' so affirming therein, and teaching, as he knew that Bertram had taught a little before in France. This book the pope caused to be condemned in the synod of Vercelli. Of the life and conversation of this Johannes Scotus, and also of his death, read before."

(1) Rabanus, De Institut. Clericorum i. cap. 21.

(2) Christian. Druthmarus, monachus ordin. Bened., In Matt. (3) See Vol. II p. 30.-ED.

See

Appendix.

Henry
VIII.

A. D

1539.

ness of

In the year of our Lord 950, lived Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, in whose time, it appeareth, by the catholics' own confession, that many priests then affirmed, that the bread and wine, after consecration, did remain in their former substance, and that the said mysteries were only a figure of the body and blood of Christ, as we find it witnessed by Osberne himself, who did write the lives of Odo, Dunstan, and Elphege, at the bidding of Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, as reporteth Eadmer, Anselm's chaplain. The words of Osberne be The wit these:" About this time," saith Osberne, writing in the days of Osberne. Lanfranc, "certain of the clergy, being seduced by wicked error, did hold and maintain that bread and wine, which are set upon the altar, after the consecration do remain in their former substance, and are but only a figure of the body and blood of Christ," &c. And no doubt but at that time the common opinion of most of the clergy was so, that the sacrament was the body and blood of Christ, and that the substance of bread and wine, notwithstanding, were not transubstantiated, as the Romish catholics do now teach. But this is the guise of these men, that in their writings and stories they still diminish the better number, whereby their faction may seem ever to be the bigger; and therefore to extenuate the common opinion then received in the church, he inferreth mention of certain of the clergy, &c.

A lying miracle

to prove

stantia

And as he faileth in the number of these clergymen who then held against transubstantiation, so he upholdeth the same with as lying a transub miracle; which miracle he feigned to be wrought the same time, for tion. the conversion of the said clergymen, by the blood dropping out of the host at mass, as Odo was breaking the host over the chalice. At the sight whereof, first, Odo himself (saith he) wept for joy; seeing his petition accomplished which he so earnestly prayed for.

Reasons and proofs

Secondarily," All those clergymen," saith he, "who before believed not this transubstantiation, by and by were converted, and blessed the archbishop that ever he was born; desiring him to pray again, that the blood might return to his former shape; and straight it was done." And this was the miracle; which seemeth as true as that which William of Malmesbury writeth of the said Odo, how, by his prayers, he caused a sword to come flying from heaven into king Athelstan's scabbard, when he had lost his own, as he would fight against Analavus; or else, as that miracle where the said Odo is said to cover and defend the church of Canterbury, that no drop of rain could touch it, so long as the roof thereof was in making.2

In this so miraculous a miracle, many things are to be marvelled. alleged First, I marvel that at this great miracle of the archbishop in his against cathedral church, amongst so many singing men, we read of no Deum' there to be sung after the doing thereof.

this mira

cle.

Te

Secondly, I marvel that those priests and clerks who then denied transubstantiation, were suffered to be so near the archbishop at his mass, and that they were not committed rather to ward like heretics and traitors, if this article of transubstantiation had been then such a catholic doctrine, and so publicly received in the church, as they say it was.

(1) Hoc fere tempore, quidam clerici, maligno errore seducti, asseverare conabantur, panes et vinum quæ in altari ponuntur, post consecrationem, in priori substantia manere et figuram tantummodo esse corporis et sanguinis Christi,' &c. Osbernus in Vita Odonis.

(2) Ex Wil. Malm. vide supra, (Vol. II. page 49.-ED.]

VIII.

Thirdly, I marvel, seeing the time of miracles is expired, we, Henry having the Scriptures to guide us, why the archbishop would seek to miracles and apparitions to convert men, rather than to the law and A.D. prophets, according as we are commanded: especially having no such 1539, examples of all the old doctors, who, in confutation of so many erroneous opinions, yet never sought to such miracles, or blued means.

this fabu

racle do

not agree

with

them

selves.

Fourthly, I marvel much at the discrepance in telling this tale, The aubetween Osberne and the others, who since have written Legends of thors of Odo. For whereas Osberne, speaking of certain priests, nameth no lous miplace, but leaveth the matter at large; and speaketh absolutely, quidam clerici;" all others, who have since written the Legends of Odo, do tell this tale against certain priests of Canterbury; adding to the words of Osberne, " quidam clerici Cantuarienses." But to convict the falsehood of them all, as well of Osberne as of the rest, there is a legend of the life of Odo, and of Oswald together, more ancient than this of Osberne, written (as it may seem) in the time of Elfric, archbishop of Canterbury, and Elphege, then bishop of Winchester, wherein mention is made indeed of this miracle, but after another sort than this of Osberne, and to another purpose than to dissuade certain priests, infected with that error, from the opinion before declared: which is only brought to show the holiness of Odo, as commonly the manner of legends is to do: so that in this old legend it is thus reported, that when this miracle was done, Odo disclosed not the matter to many priests of England that were in that error, as Osberne would," but called unto him a certain faithful servant who was near about him, and showed unto him the miracle secretly;" whereupon the priest (saith the legend), much rejoiced at the holiness of Odo, and desired him to make his prayer to Almighty God, that the body might return again to the former shape, &c. Out of this old lying legend Osberne, and others likewise that followed him, seemeth to have taken this tale, so that out of the error legends. of one (as the manner is) springeth the error of a number more.

But this much more I marvel, why this miracle is not storied in Henry Huntingdon, who professedly writeth of such miracles, nor in Roger Hoveden, and such others; but only in such blind legends, which commonly have no substance of verity, nor certainty of time or writer, to know when and by whom they were written, and for the most part are stuffed with lying visions and prodigious fables.

2

Finally, if this miraculous fiction of Osberne were true, that for the converting of priests of England who would not believe transubstantiation, this blood did drop out of the Host (of which blood peradventure came the blood of Hayles), and by the sight thereof the priests eftsoon were all converted (as Osberne pretendeth), how then came it to pass, that after the time of Odo, in the days of Elfric, who was after him archbishop of Canterbury, the third from Dunstan, and fourth from Odo, not only the priests of England, but also the archbishop himself, were not yet brought to the belief of this transubstantiation, but taught the very same doctrine of the sacrament then, which we do now: as most clearly appeareth both (1) Sed vocat protinus fidelem servum, qui cominus erat, et miraculum secretum demonstrat,' &c. (2) For the origin of the blood of Hayles, see the note upon the Phantasy of Idolatry on a subsequent page.-ED.

Lying

Henry by the epistles and homilies of the aforesaid archbishop Elfric, which hereunder, for the more evidence (Christ willing) we will annex.

VIII.

A. D. 1539.

This Elfric, as saith Capgrave, in the life of Oswald bishop of Worcester, was first abbot of St. Alban's, and after made archbishop of Canterbury, about A. D. 996, in the time of king Etheldred, and of Wulfsine, bishop of Sherbourne. Elfric also (as witnesseth William of Malmesbury, in the life of Adelmus), was abbot of Malmesbury. Furthermore, the said William of Malmesbury, writing of Elfric, archbishop of Canterbury, saith, that he was before bishop of Wells, and afterwards bishop of Canterbury. So, that Elfric was archbishop of Canterbury, it is out of all ambiguity. But whether Elfric, who was abbot (of whom we do here entreat), were the same archbishop or not, by this diversity of Capgrave and Malmesbury, it may be doubtful. But whether he were or no, to this our present purpose is not greatly of Elfric material, forasmuch as the said Elfric and Elfric, although they were persons, yet were they both in one age, and lived in one time

The

writingo

authen

tic.

See Appendix.

divers

together.

Furthermore, the same Elfric of whom now we speak, of what calling soever he was, yet, notwithstanding, he was of such estimation and good liking in those days amongst the most learned, that for his learning, authority, and eloquence, his writings were accepted and authorized among the canons and constitutions of the church in that time, as hereby may appear. For whereas the bishops and priests, before the coming of William the Conqueror, had collected together a certain book of canons and ordinances to govern the clergy, gathered out of general and particular councils, out of the book of Gildas, out of the penitential books of Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, out of the writings of Egbert, archbishop of York, out of the epistles of Alcuinus, as also out of the writings of the old fathers of the primitive church, &c.; among the same canons and constitutions be placed these two epistles of the said Elfric hereunder following, whereof the one was sent to Wulfsine, bishop of Sherbourne, the other to Wulfstane, archbishop of York; as yet are to be seen in two books belonging to the library of the church of Worcester, the one written in the old Saxons' tongue, entitled 'Beppeort dinope,' the other for the most part in Latin, with this title, Admonitio Spiritualis Doctrinæ which book of Saxon canons and constitutions, sometime belonging to Wulfstane bishop of Worcester, was given by him, as for a great jewel, to the church of Worcester, as by the same book appeareth.1

Moreover, besides this book of Worcester above-touched, there is yet extant also another like book of canons, belonging to the church of Exeter, wherein the same two epistles of Elfric be contained in the old Saxon tongue, and also in Latin, and prescribed yearly to be read to the clerks and priests of that church; which book, in like manner, was given to the church of Exeter, by Leofric, the first and most famous bishop of that see."

Of this Elfric, further, is to be understood, that he translated two books of fourscore sermons out of Latin into the Saxon speech, used then orderly to be read in churches on Sundays, and other festival

(1) Ex Archivis Eccles. Wigornensis.

(2) Ex Archivis Eccles. Exoniensis.

days of the year; as by his own words may appear, in the end of Henry one of the said books of sermons, whose words be these:

Fela fægere godspell pe foplætað onþisum dihte. þa mæg apendan re de pile; Ne dunne pe dar boc na micler pipon gelængan. dyler þe heo ungemeteg dry. mannum æþrær ðurh hine meielnirre

arripize:

'We let pass, many good gospels, which he that listeth may translate. For we dare not enlarge this book much further, lest it be over great, and so be a cause of loathsomeness to men, through the bigness thereof,' &c.

Also, in another place, he confesseth the same of himself; whose words in the preface before his grammar be these:

VIII.

A. D. 1539.

sermons

Ic Elnic polde da litlan boc apendan to engliɣcum gepeopde of Eighty dam stær cæfte de is gehaten grammtica. sýððan ic τpa bec apende tem on hund eahtatigum spellum :

lated by Elfric

'I, Elfric, was desirous to turn into our English tongue, from the art of into the letters called grammar, this little book, after that I had translated the two English books of fourscore sermons,' &c.

or Saxon tongue.

Epistles

Saxon.

Of his epistles especially we read of four which he wrote, one to Four the monks of Egnehsam, De consuetudine Monachorum ;" another written of to Wulfstane, archbishop of York, wherein is touched the matter of Elfric in the sacrament: the third he wrote against priests' marriage, to one Sygeferth, with whom there was a certain anchorite abiding, who defended the marriage of priests, affirming it to be lawful. The fourth he wrote to Wulfsine, bishop of Sherbourne, touching the matter of the sacrament; in the which epistle, he, taking occasion by a certain abuse in his time, which was, that priests, on Easter-day, filled their housel-box for sick persons, and so kept it for the space of a whole year, till Easter came again, writeth upon that occasion in these words, as follow in his own Saxon tongue.

The Words of Elfric, written to Wulfsine, Bishop of Sherbourne, against Transubstantiation.

ne

Man rceal healden þær halige hurel mid mycelɲe gýmene forhealdan hit.ac halgian open ednipe to rceocum mannum.a. embe vilniht. odde embe x. niht hit huru fyniz ne sy.fordon de cal rpa halig bid hurel de nu to dæg pær gehalgod. rpa de on earrtendæg pær gehalgod; Dar hurel r Chirer lichama na lichamlice ac gartlice; Na re lichama de he on nopode. ac re lichama de he embe rppæc.da da he bletrode hlar pin to hurel anne nihte æn hir nopunge. 7 cpap be pam gebletrode hlape.dir ir min lichama. and eft be dam halgan pine.dis is min blode þe brd for manegum agoren on sýnna forgÿfenesse ; Vnderstandab nure orighten de mihte apendon done hlar æn hr popunge to hir lichaman. and p pin to hir blode garelice. þær re ylca daghpamlice bletrah duph racenda handa hlaf pin to hir garelican lichaman and to his garelican blode.

The same in English.

sacra

Men shall reserve more carefully that holy housel, and not reserve it too The long, but hallow other of new, for sick men, always within a week or a fortnight, ment is