Henry dowry might remain still within the realm, was espoused, after the decease of her husband, to his next brother, which was this king Henry. VIII. A.D. 1527. The pope dispenseth for the brother to brother's wife. *Thus' then, after the declaration of these things gone before, next cometh to our hands (by the order and process of the time we are now about) to intreat of the marvellous and most gracious work of the holy providence of God, beginning now here to work about this time in England that which neither durst be attempted before of any prince within this realm, nor yet could ever be hoped for of any subject; concerning the abolishing and overthrow of the pope's supremacy here in the English church: who, through the false pretensed title of his usurped authority, and through the vain fear of his keys and cursed cursings or excommunications, did so deeply sit in the conscience of men; did keep all princes and kings so under him; briefly, did so plant himself in all churches, taking so deep root in the hearts of christen people so long time, that it seemed not only hard, but also impossible, for man's power to abolish the same. But that which passeth man's strength God here beginneth to take in hand, to supplant the old tyranny and subtle supremacy of the Romish bishop. The occasion whereof began thus (through the secret providence of God), by a certain unlawful marriage between king Henry VIII. and the lady Katharine, his brother's wife. Which marriage, being found unlawful, and so concluded by all universitics not to be dispensed withal by any man, at length brought forth a verity long hid before; that is, that neither the pope was that he was recounted to be; and that, again, presumptuously he took more upon him than he was able to dispense withal. These little beginnings being once called into question gave great light to men, and ministered withal great occasion to seek further: insomuch [that] at length the pope was espied, both to usurp that which he could not claim, and to claim that which he ought not to usurp. As touching the first doubt of this unlawful marriage, whether it came of the king himself, or of the cardinal, or of the Spaniards, as the chronicles themselves do not fully express, so I cannot assuredly affirm. This is certain, that it was not without the singular providence of God (whereby to bring greater things to pass), that the king's conscience herein seemed to be so troubled, according as the words of his own oration, had unto his commons, do declare; whose oration here[after] followeth, to give testimony of the same.* This marriage seemed very strange and hard, for one brother to the wife of another. But what can be in this earth so hard or marry difficult, wherewith the pope, the omnipotent vicar of Christ, cannot marry his by favour dispense, if it please him? The pope which then ruled at Rome was pope Julius II., by whose dispensation this marriage, which neither sense of nature would admit, nor God's law would bear, was concluded, approved, and ratified; and so continued as lawful, without any doubt or scruple, the space near of twenty years, till about the time that a certain doubt began first to be moved by Spaniards the Spaniards themselves, of the emperor's council, A.D. 1522; at doubted what time Charles the emperor, being here in England, promised to marry the lady Mary, daughter to the king of England; with the marriage. which promise the Spaniards themselves were not well contented, The first of the king's (1) See Ed. 1563, p. 455.-ED VIII. objecting this, among many other causes, that the said lady Mary Henry was begotten of the king of England by his brother's wife. 1527. Whereupon the emperor, forsaking that marriage, did couple A.D. himself with lady Isabel, daughter to king Emanuel of Portugal: which marriage was done A.D. 1526. After this marriage of the emperor, the next year following, king Henry, being disappointed thus of the emperor, entered talk, or rather was laboured to by the French ambassadors, for the said lady Mary to be married to the French king's son, duke of Orleans; upon the talk whereof, after long debating, at length the matter was put off by a certain doubt of the president of Paris, casting the like objection as the Spaniards had The sedone before; that was, Whether the marriage between the king doubt, and the mother of this lady Mary, who had been his brother's wife before, were good or no? And so the marriage, twice unluckily Mary was attempted, in like sort brake off again, and was rejected: which born. happened A.D. 1527. cond whether the lady rightly in the mind. Wolsey, a The king, upon the occasion hereof casting many things in his Two permind, began to consider the cause more deeply, first, with himself, plexities after, with certain of his nearest council; wherein two things there king's were which chiefly pricked his mind, whereof the one touched his conscience, the other concerned the state of his realm. For if that marriage with his brother's wife stood unlawful by the law of God, then neither was his conscience clear in retaining the mother, nor yet the state of the realm firm by succession of the daughter. It happened the same time that the cardinal, who was then nearest about Cardinal the king, had fallen out with the emperor, for not helping him to the helper of papacy, as ye before have heard; for the which cause he helped to set the matter forward by all practice he might. Thus the king, perplexed in his conscience, and careful for the commonwealth, and partly also incited by the cardinal, could not so rest; but inquired further to feel what the word of God, and learning, would say unto it. Neither was the case so hard, after it began once to come in public question, but that by the word of God, and the judgments of the best learned clerks, and also by the censure of the chief universities of all Christendom, to the number of ten and more, it was soon discussed to be unlawful. 1 the divorce. See All these censures, books, and writings, of so many doctors, clerks, and universities, sent from all quarters of Christendom to the king, Appendix, albeit they might suffice to have fully resolved, and did indeed resolve, the king's conscience touching this scruple of his marriage; yet would he not straightway use that advantage which learning did give him, unless he had withal the assent as well of the pope, as also the emperor; wherein he perceived no little difficulty. For the pope, he thought, seeing the marriage was authorized before by the dispensation of his predecessor, would hardly turn his keys about to undo that which the pope before him had locked; and much less would he suffer those keys to be foiled, or to come in any doubt; which was like to come, if that marriage were proved undispensable by God's word, which his predecessor, through his plenary power, had licensed before. Again, the emperor, he thought, would be no less hard for (1) All quarters,' that is, the judgments of ten or twelve universities against the king's marriage, Orleans, Paris, Toulouse, Angers, Bologna, Padua, the faculty of Paris, Bourges, Oxford, and Cambridge. [See the Appendix.] See Campeius The king's persua sion to the legates. Henry his part, on the other side, forasmuch as the said Lady Katharine was VIII. the emperor's near aunt, and a Spaniard born. Yet, nevertheless, his A.D. purpose was to prove and feel what they both would say unto it; and 1528. therefore he sent Stephen Gardiner to Rome, to weigh with pope Appendir, Clement. To the emperor was sent sir Nicholas Harvey, knight, embassador in the court of Gaunt. First, pope Clement, not weightheping belike the full importance and sequel of the matter, sent cardinal legate. Campeius (as is said) into England, joined with the cardinal of York. At the coming of these legates, the king, first opening unto them the grief of his conscience, seemed with great reasons and persuasions sufficiently to have drawn the good will of those two legates to his side; who also, of their own accord, pretended no less but to show a willing inclination to further the king's cause. But yet the mouths of the common people, and in especial of women, and such others as favoured the queen, and talked their pleasure, were not stopped. Wherefore, to satisfy the blind surmises and foolish communication of these also, who, seeing the coming of the cardinals, cast out such lewd words, as that the king would, for his own pleasure,' have another wife, with like unbeseeming talk; he therefore, willing that all men should know the truth of his proceedings, caused all his nobility, judges, and counsellors, with divers other persons, to resort to his palace of Bridewell, the 8th day of November, A.D. 1528, where he, openly speaking in his great chamber, nad these words in effect, as followeth. The King's Oration to his Subjects. Our trusty and well-beloved subjects, both you of the nobility, and you of the meaner sort: it is not unknown to you, how that we, both by God's provision, and true and lawful inheritance, have reigned over this realm of England almost the term of twenty years; during which time, we have so ordered us (thanked be God!) that no outward enemy hath oppressed you, nor taken any thing from us, nor we have invaded no realm, but we have had victory and honour, so that we think that you nor none of your predecessors ever lived more quietly, more wealthily, nor in more estimation, under any of our noble progenitors. But when we remember our mortality, and that we must die, then we think that all our doings in our lifetime are clearly defaced, and worthy of no memory, if we leave you in trouble at the time of our death; for if our true heir be not known at the time of our death, see what mischief and trouble shall succeed to you and to your children. The experience thereof some of you have seen after the death of our noble grandfather, king Edward the Fourth; and some have heard what mischief and manslaughter continued in this realm between the houses of York and Lancaster, by the which dissension this realm was like to have been clearly destroyed. And although it hath pleased Almighty God to send us a fair daughter, of a noble woman and of me begotten, to our great comfort and joy, yet it hath been told us by divers great clerks, that neither she is our lawful daughter, nor her mother our lawful wife, but that we live together abominably and detestably in open adultery; insomuch that when our ambassade was last in France, and motion was made that the duke of Orleans should marry our said daughter, one of the chief counsellors to the French king said, It were well done, to know whether she be the king of England's lawful daughter or not; for well known it is, that he begot her on his brother's wife, which is directly against God's law and his precept. Think you, my lords, that these words touch not my body and soul? Think you that these doings do not daily and hourly trouble my conscience, and vex my spirits? Yes, we doubt not, and if it were your cause every man would seek remedy, when the peril of your soul, and the loss of your inheritance is openly laid to you. For this only cause I protest before God, and A D. 1528. See on the word of a prince, I have asked counsel of the greatest clerks in Christen- Henry dom; and for this cause I have sent for this legate, as a man indifferent, only VIII. to know the truth, and so to settle my conscience, and for none other cause, as God can judge. And as touching the queen, if it be adjudged by the law of God that she is my lawful wife, there was never thing more pleasant nor more acceptable to me in my life, both for the discharge and clearing of my conscience, and also for the good qualities and conditions which I know to be in her. For I assure you all, that beside her noble parentage of the which she is descended (as you well know), she is a woman of most gentleness, of most humility and buxomness, yea, and in all good qualities appertaining to nobility she is without comparison, as I, these twenty years almost, have had the true Appendix. experiment; so that if I were to marry again, if the marriage might be good, I would surely choose her above all other women. But if it be determined by judgment, that our marriage was against God's law, and clearly void, then I shall not only sorrow the departing from so good a lady and loving companion, but much more lament and bewail my unfortunate chance, that I have so long lived in adultery, to God's great displeasure, and have no true heir of my body to inherit this realm. These be the sores that vex my mind, these be the pangs that trouble my conscience, and for these griefs I seek a remedy. Therefore I require of you all, as our trust and confidence is in you, to declare to our subjects our mind and intent, according to our true meaning; and desire them to pray with us that the very truth may be known, for the discharge of our conscience and saving of our soul: and for the declaration hereof I have assembled you together, and now you may depart. talk with queen. Shortly after this oration of the king, wherewith he stirred the The hearts of a number, then the two legates, being requested of the lates king, for discharge of his conscience, to judge and determine upon the the cause, went to the queen lying then in the palace of Bridewell, and declared to her, how they were deputed judges indifferent, between the king and her, to hear and determine, whether the marriage between them stood with God's law or not. When she understood the cause of their coming, being thereat something astonied at the first, after a little pausing with herself, thus she began, answering for herself.1 Queen Katharine's Answer to the Cardinals. Alas, my lords (said she), is it now a question whether I be the king's lawful wife or no, when I have been married to him almost twenty years, and in the mean season never question was made before? Divers prelates yet being alive, and lords also, and privy councillors with the king at that time, then adjudged our marriage lawful and honest; and now to say it is detestable and abominable, I think it great marvel: and, in especial, when I consider what a wise prince the king's father was, and also the love and natural affection that king Ferdinand, my father, bare unto me, I think in myself, that neither of our fathers were so uncircumspect, so unwise, and of so small imagination, but they foresaw what might follow of our marriage; and in especial, the king my father sent to the court of Rome, and there, after long suit, with great cost and charge, obtained a license and dispensation, that I, being the one brother's wife, and peradventure carnally known, might, without scruple of conscience, marry with the other brother lawfully, which license, under lead, I have yet to show: which things make me to say, and surely believe, that our marriage was both lawful, good, and godly. cause of But of this trouble I only may thank you, my lord cardinal of York. For, The because I have wondered at your high pride and vain glory, and abhorred cardinal your voluptuous life and abominable lechery, and little regarded your pre- this sumptuous power and tyranny, therefore, of malice you have kindled this fire, divorce, and why. and set this matter abroach; and, in especial, for the great malice that you (1) Ex E. Hallo. (pp. 754, 755 Edit. 1809.-ED.) VIII. Henry bear to my nephew the emperor, whom I perfectly know you hate worse than a scorpion, because he would not satisfy your ambition, and make you pope by A. D. force: and therefore you have said more than once, that you would trouble him 1529. and his friends; and you have kept him true promise; for of all his wars and vexations he only may thank you. And as for me, his poor aunt and kinswoman, what trouble you have put me to by this new found doubt, God knoweth; to whom I commit my cause, according to the truth. See Appendix, The vain The king The cardinal of York excused himself, saying, that he was not the beginner nor the mover of the doubt, and that it was sore against his will that ever the marriage should come in question; but he said that by his superior, the bishop of Rome, he was deputed as a judge to hear the cause; which he sware on his profession to hear indifferently. But whatsoever was said, she believed him not; and so the legates took their leave of her, and departed. These words were spoken in French, and written by cardinal Campeius's secretary, who was present; and afterward, by Edward Hall translated into English. : *By 'these premises it is sufficient to judge and understand what the whole occasion was, that brought this marriage first into doubt, so that there needeth not any further declaration in words upon this matter. But this one thing will I say, if I might be bold to speak what I think other men may think what they list. This I suppose, that the stay of this marriage was taken in good time, and not without the singular favour of God's providence. For if that one child, coming of this foresaid marriage, did so greatly endanger this whole realm of England to be entangled with the Spanish nation, that if God's mighty hand had not been betwixt, God knoweth what misery might have ensued: what peril then should thereby have followed, if, in the continuance of this marriage, more issue had sprung thereof! But to return again to our matter concerning the whole process and discourse of this divorcement, briefly to comprehend in few words, that which might be collected out of many: after this answer was given of the queen, and her appeal made to the pope, the king, to try out the matter by Scriptures and by learning, sent first to the pope, then to most part of all universities, to have it decised to the uttermost, as shall be hereafter fully declared. * In the next year ensuing, A. D. 1529, on the 31st day of May, at the Black Friars' of London was prepared a solemn place for the two legates legates: who, coming with their crosses, pillars, axes, and all other Romish and queen ceremonies accordingly, were set in two chairs covered with cloth of before gold, and cushions of the same. When all things were ready, then them. the king and the queen were ascited *personally to appear or by their cited proctors before the said legates the 18th day of June; where (the commission of the cardinals first being read, wherein it was appointed by the court of Rome, that they should be the hearers and judges in the cause between them both) the king was called by name, who appeared by two proctors. Then the queen was called, who being accompanied with four bishops,2 and other of her counsel, and a great company of ladies, came personally herself before the legates; who there, after her obeisance, with a sad gravity of countenance, having (1) For this passage between asterisks see Ed. 1563, p. 457.-ED. (2) These four bishops were Warhain of Canterbury, West of Ely, Fisher of Rochester, Standish of St. Asaph. |