281

and though born in Spain, had little in common with it. When he became king, he had been long absent from his native country, and had contracted a taste for customs, and, above all, for opinions, totally dissimilar to those natural to the Spaniards. Comparing him with his subjects, he was enlightened indeed. They cherished in their hearts, the most complete, and therefore the worst, form of spiritual power which has ever been exhibited in Europe. That very power, he made it his business to restrain. In this as in other respects, he far surpassed Ferdinand VI. and Philip V., though they, under the influence of French ideas, had proceeded to what was deemed a dangerous length.282 The clergy, indignant at such proceedings, murmured, and even threatened.** They declared that Charles was despoiling the Church, taking away her rights, insulting her ministers, and thus ruining Spain beyond human remedy.284 The king, however whose disposition was firm, and somewhat obstinate, persevered in his policy; and as he and his ministers were men of undoubted ability, they, notwithstanding the opposition they encountered, succeeded in accomplishing most of their plans. Mistaken and short-sighted

mí leidas hoja tras hoja, sacando de ellas largos apuntes, sirven á maravilla para pintarle tal como era, y penetrar hasta sus más recónditos pensamientos, y contradecir á los que le juzgan á bulto." Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., Madrid, 1856, vol. i. pp. xxii. xxiii.

281 (6 Although born and educated in Spain, Charles had quitted the country at too early an age to retain a partiality to its customs, laws, manners, and language; while, from his residence abroad, and his intercourse with France, he had formed a natural predilection for the French character and institutions." Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. p. 337.

282 He "far surpassed his two predecessors in his exertions to reform the morals, and restrain the power of the clergy." Ibid., vol. v. p. 215.

283 His measures "alarmaron al clero en general, que empezó á murmurar con impaciencia, y aun algunos de sus individuos se propasaron á violentos actos." Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 98.

284 A popular charge against the government was, que se despojara á la Iglesia de sus inmunidades." Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. ii. p. 54. See also at pp. 201, 202, a letter, in 1766, from the Bishop of Cuenca to the King's confessor, in which that prelate stated, “que España corria á su ruina que ya no corria, sino que volaba, y que ya estaba perdida sin remedio humano;" and that the cause of this was the persecution of the poor Church, which was "saqueada en sus bienes, ultrajada en sus ministros, y atropellada en su inmunidad.

though they were, it is impossible to refrain from admiring the honesty, the courage, and the disinterestedness, which they displayed in endeavouring to alter the destiny of that superstitious and half barbarous country over which they ruled. We must not, however, conceal from ourselves, that in this, as in all similar cases, they, by attacking evils which the people were resolved to love, increased the affection which the evils inspired. To seek to change opinions by laws is worse than futile. It not only fails, but it causes a reaction, which leaves the opinions stronger than ever. First alter the opinion, and then you may alter the law. As soon as you have convinced men that superstition is mischievous, you may with advantage take active steps against those classes who promote superstition and live by it. But, however pernicious any interest or any great body may be, beware of using force against it, unless the progress of knowledge has previously sapped it at its base, and loosened its hold over the national mind. This has always been the error of the most ardent reformers, who, in their eagerness to effect their purpose, let the political movement outstrip the intellectual one, and, thus inverting the natural order, secure misery either to themselves or to their descendants. They touch the altar, and fire springs forth to consume them. Then comes another period of superstition and of despotism; another dark epoch in the annals of the human race. And this happens merely because men will not bide their time, but will insist on precipitating the march of affairs. Thus, for instance, in France and Germany, it is the friends of freedom who have strengthened tyranny; it is the enemies of superstition who have made superstition more permanent. In those countries, it is still believed that government can regenerate society; and therefore, directly they who hold liberal opinions get possession of the government, they use their power too lavishly, thinking that by doing so, they will best secure the end at which they aim. In England, the same delusion, though less general is far too prevalent; but as, with us, public

opinion controls politicians, we escape from evils which have happened abroad, because we will not allow any government to enact laws which the nation disapproves. In Spain, however, the habits of the people were so e slavish, and their necks had so long been bowed under the yoke, that though the government, in the eighteenth century, opposed their dearest prejudices, they rarely ventured to resist, and they had no legal means of making their voice heard. But not the less did they feel. The materials for reaction were silently accumulating; and before that century had passed away the reaction itself was manifest. As long as Charles III. lived, it was kept under; and this was owing partly to the fear which his active and vigorous government inspired, and partly to the fact that many of the reforms which he introduced were so obviously beneficial as to shed a lustre on his reign, which all classes could perceive. Besides the exemption which his policy insured from the incessant ravages of pirates, he also succeeded in obtaining for Spain the most honourable peace which any Spanish government had signed for two centuries; thus recalling to the popular mind, the brightest and most glorious days of Philip II.25 When Charles came to the throne, Spain was hardly a third-rate power; when he died, she might fairly claim to be a first-rate one, since she had for some years negotiated on equal terms with France, England, and Austria, and had taken a leading part in the councils of Europe. To this, the personal character of Charles greatly contributed; he being respected for his honesty, as well as feared for his vigour.286 Merely as a man, he

285 Coxe (Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 144) calls the peace of 1783 "the most honourable and advantageous ever concluded by the crown of Spain since the peace of St. Quintin." Similarly, M. Rio (Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iii. p. 397), "Siglos habian pasado para España de continuas y porfiadas contiendas, sin llegar nunca, desde la famosa jornada de San Quintin y al alborear el reinado de Felipe II., tan gloriosamente al reposo."

286 Towards the close of his reign, we find a contemporary observer, who was anything but prejudiced in his favour, bearing testimony to "the honest and obstinate adherence of his present Catholic Majesty to all his treaties, principles, and engagements." Letters by an English Officer, London,

bore high repute; while, as a sovereign, none of his contemporaries were in any way equal to him, except Frederick of Prussia, whose vast abilities were, however, tarnished by a base rapacity, and by an incessant desire to overreach his neighbours. Charles III. had nothing of this; but he carefully increased the defences of Spain, and, raising her establishments to a war-footing, he made her more formidable than she had been since the sixteenth century. Instead of being liable to insult from every petty potentate who chose to triumph over her weakness, the country had now the means of resisting, and if need be, of attacking. While the army was greatly improved in the quality of the troops, in their discipline, and in the attention paid to their comforts, the navy was nearly doubled in number, and more than doubled in efficiency.287 And this was done without imposing fresh burdens on the people. Indeed, the national resources were becoming so developed, that, in the reign of Charles III., a large amount of taxation could have been easier paid than a small one under his predecessors. A regularity, hitherto unknown, was introduced into the method both of assessing imposts, and of collecting them.288 The laws of mortmain were relaxed, and steps were taken towards diminishing the rigidity of entails.29 The industry of the country was liberated from many of the trammels which had long been imposed upon it, and the

1788, vol. ii. p. 329. Compare Muriel (Gobierno del Rey Don Carlos III., Madrid, 1839, p. 34), "Tau conocido llegó á ser Cárlos III. en los reinos estraños por la rectitud de su carácter, que en las desavenencias que ocurrian entre los gobiernos, todos consentian en tomarle por árbitro, y se sometian á sus decisiones ;" and Cabarrus (Elogio de Carlos III., Madrid, 1789, 4to, p. xl.), "Esta probidad llega á ser el resorte político de la Europa; todas las cortes penetradas de respeto á sus virtudes le buscan por árbitro y mediador." Evidence of the great respect paid to Charles III. by foreign powers, will also be found in Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 41-43, 253.

287 On the increase of the navy, compare Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 127, with Muriel, Gobierno del Rey Carlos III., pp. 73, 82.

288 These financial improvements were due, in a great measure, to the Frenchman, Cabarrus. See Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 122, 123.

289 Rio, ibid., vol. iv. pp. 164-166, and Tapia, Civilizacion Española vol. iv. pp. 96, 97.

principles of free trade were so far recognized, that, in 1765, the old laws respecting corn were repealed; its exportation was allowed, and also its transit from one part of Spain to another, uninterrupted by those absurd precautions, which preceding governments had thought it advisable to invent.290

It was also in the reign of Charles III. that the American Colonies were, for the first time, treated according to the maxims of a wise and liberal policy. The behaviour of the Spanish government in this respect, contrasts most favourably with the conduct pursued at the same time towards our great Colonies by that narrow and incompetent man who then filled the English throne. While the violence of George III. was fomenting rebellion in the British Colonies, Charles III. was busily engaged in conciliating the Spanish ones. Towards this end, and with the object of giving fair play to the growth of their wealth, he did everything which the knowledge and resources of that age allowed him to do. allowed him to do. In 1764, he accomplished, what was then considered the great feat of establishing every month a regular communication with America, in order that the reforms which he projected might be more easily introduced, and the grievances of the Colonies attended to.291 In the very next year, free trade was conceded to the West Indian Islands, whose abundant commodities were now, for the first time, allowed to circulate, to their own benefit, as well as to the

200 "La providencia mas acertada para el fomento de nuestra agricultura fue sin duda la real pragmática de 11 de julio de 1765, por la cual se abolió la tasa de los granos, y se permitió el libre comercio de ellos." Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 105. See also Dillon's Spain, p. 69, and Townsend's Spain, vol. ii. p. 230. The first step towards this great reform was taken in 1752. See the edict issued in that year, "Libertase de Derechos el trigo, cebada, centeno y maiz que por mar se transportáre de unas provincias á otras de estos dominios." This document, which is important for the history of political economy, is printed in the Appendix to Campomanes, Educacion Popular, vol. ii. pp. 16, 17, Madrid, 1775.

291 Pronto se establecieron los correos marítimos y se comunicaron con regularidad y frecuencia no vistas hasta entonces la metrópoli y las colonias. Por efecto del importante decreto de 24 de agosto de 1764, salia el primero de cada mes un paquebot de la Coruña con toda la correspondencia de las Indias; desembarcábala en la Habana, y desde allí se distribuia en balandras y otros bajeles á propósito para puntear los vientos escasos, á Veracruz,