The Spaniards desired to walk in the ways of their ancestors, and not have their faith in the past rudely disturbed. In the inorganic world, the magnificent discoveries of Newton were contumeliously rejected; and, in the organic world, the circulation of the blood was denied, more than a hundred and fifty years after Harvey had proved it.225 These things were new, and it was better to pause a little, and not receive them too hastily. On the same principle, when, in the year 1760, some bold men in the government proposed that the streets of Madrid should be cleansed, so daring a suggestion excited general anger. Not only the vulgar, but even those who were called educated, were loud in their censure. The medical profession, as the guardians of the public health, were desired, by the government, to give their opinion. This, they had no difficulty in doing. They had no doubt that the dirt ought to remain. To remove it, was a new experiment; and of new experiments, it was impossible to foresee the issue. Their fathers having lived in the midst of it, why should not they do the same? Their fathers were wise men, and must have had good reasons for their conduct. Even the smell, of which some persons complained, was most likely wholesome. For, the air being sharp and piercing, it was extremely probable that bad smells made the atmosphere

225 So late as 1787, Townsend, a very accomplished man, who travelled through Spain with the express object of noting the state of knowledge, as well as the economical condition of the country, and who, by previous study, had well qualified himself for such an undertaking, says, "I have observed in general, that the physicians with whom I have had occasion to converse, are disciples of their favourite doctor Piquer, who denied, or at least doubted of, the circulation of the blood." Townsend's Journey through Spain, 2d ed., London, 1792, vol. iii. p. 281. At that time, the Spanish physicians were, however, beginning to read Hoffmann, Cullen, and other heretical speculators, in whose works they would find, to their astonishment, that the circulation of the blood was assumed, and was not even treated as a debatable question. But the students were obliged to take such matters on trust; for, adds Townsend, p. 282, "In their medical classes, they had no dissections." Compare Laborde's Spain, vol. i. p. 76, vol. iii. p. 315, London, 1809, and Godoy's Memoirs, London, 1836, vol. ii. p. 157. Godoy, speaking of the three colleges of surgery at Madrid, Barcelona, and Cadiz, says that until his administration in 1793, “In the capital, even that of San Carlos had not a lecture-room for practical truction."

heavy, and in that way deprived it of some of its injurious properties. The physicians of Madrid were, therefore, of opinion that matters had better remain as their ancestors had left them, and that no attempts should be made to purify the capital by removing the filth which lay scattered on every side.226

While such notions prevailed respecting the preservation of health,227 it is hardly to be supposed that the treatment of disease should be very successful. To bleed and to purge, were the only remedies prescribed by the Spanish physicians.228 Their ignorance of the commonest

226 This little episode is noticed by Cabarrus, in his Elogio de Carlos III. Madrid, 1789, 4to, p. xiv. "La salubridad del ayre, la limpieza y seguridad de las calles." "Pero ¿quién creerá que este noble empeño produxo las mas vivas quejas: que se conmovió el vulgo de todas clases; y que tuvo varias autoridades á su favor la extraña doctrina de que los vapores mefíticos eran un correctivo saludable de la rigidez del clima ?" But the fullest details will be found in the recently published and very elaborate History of Charles III. by M. Rio, from which I will give one or two extracts. "Para la limpieza de las calles poseia mayores 6 menores fondos el ayuntamiento, y cuando el Rey quiso poner la mano en este ramo de policía, le presentaron dictámenes de médicos en que se defendia el absurdo de ser elemento de salubridad la basura." Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., Madrid, 1856, vol. iv. p. 54. See also vol. i. pp. 267, 268, where it is mentioned, that when the minister, Esquilache, persevered in his attempts to have the streets of Madrid cleaned, the opponents of the scheme made inquiries into the opinions of their fathers on that subject; and the result was, "que le presentaron cierta originalísima consulta hecha por los médicos bajo el reinado de uno de los Felipes de Austria, y reducida á demostrar que, siendo sumamente sutil el aire de la poblacion á causa de estar próxima la sierra de Guadarrama, ocasionaria los mayores estragos si no se impregnara en los vapores de las inmundicias desparramadas por las calles." That this idea had long been entertained by the physicians of Madrid, we also know from another testimony, with which none of the Spanish historians are acquainted. Sir Richard Wynne, who visited that capital in 1623, describes a disgusting practice of the inhabitants, and adds, "Being desirous to know why so beastly a custom is suffered, they say it's a thing prescribed by their physicians; for they hold the air to be so piercing and subtle, that this kind of corrupting it with these ill vapours keeps it in good temper." The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, edited by J. O: Halliwell, London, 1845, vol. ii. p. 446.

Even thirty years later, it was said, with good reason, that "es menester deshacer todo lo que se ha hecho," and "confiar exclusivamente el precioso depósito de la sanidad pública á las manos capaces de conservarlo y mejorarlo." Cartas por el Conde de Cabarrus, Madrid, 1813, p. 280. letters,, which, though little known, contain some interesting statements, were written in 1792 and 1793. See p. 34, and Prologo, p. i.

These

Bleeding, however, had the preference. See the curious evidence in Townsend's Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787, vol. ii. pp. 37-39. Townsend, who had some knowledge of medicine, was amazed at the

functions of the human body was altogether surprising, and can only be explained on the supposition, that in medicine, as in other departments, the Spaniards of the eighteenth century knew no more than their progenitors of the sixteenth. Indeed, in some respects, they appeared to know less. For, their treatment was so violent, that it was almost certain death to submit to it for any length of time.229 Their own king, Philip V., did not dare to trust himself in their hands, but preferred having an Irishman for his physician." Though the Irish had no great medical reputation, anything was better than a Spanish doctor.231 The arts incidental to medicine and

230

ignorance and recklessness of the Spanish physicians. He says, “The science and practice of medicine are at the lowest ebb in Spain, but more especially in the Asturias." Compare Sprengel, Histoire de la Médecine, vol. iii. p. 217, Paris, 1815, with Winwood's Memorials, London, 1725, folio, vol. ii. p. 219. The last reference shows the terrible "purging and letting blood," to which the unfortunate Spaniards were exposed in the reign of Philip III. Another observer, much later, states that "La saignée leur est assez familière. Ils se la font faire hors du lit tant que leurs forces le permettent, et lorsqu'ils en usent par précaution, ils se font tirer du sang deux jours de suite du bras droit et du gauche, disant qu'il faut égaliser le sang. On peut juger de là, si la circulation leur est connue." Voyages faits en Espagne, par Monsieur M****, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 112. See further Clarke's Letters concerning the Spanish Nation, London, 4to, 1763, p. 55, and Spain by an American, London, 1831, vol. ii. p. 321.

229 In 1780, poor Cumberland, when in Madrid, was as nearly as possible murdered by three of their surgeons in a very few days; the most dangerous of his assailants being no less a man than the "chief surgeon of the Guardes de Corps," who, says the unfortunate sufferer, was "sent to me by authority." See Memoirs of Richard Cumberland, written by himself, London, 1807, vol. ii. pp. 67, 68.

230 Duclos says of Philip V., "Il étoit fort attentif sur sa santé ; son médecin, s'il eût été intriguant, auroit pu jouer un grand rôle. Lyghins Irlandois, qui occupoit cette première place, fort eloigné de l'intrigue et de la cupidité, instruit dans son art, s'en occupoit uniquement. Après sa mort, la reine fit donner la place à Servi, son médecin particulier." Mé moires par Duclos, 2e édit. Paris, 1791, vol. ii. pp. 200, 201. "Hyghens, premier médecin, était Irlandais." Mémoires du Duc de Saint Simon, vol. xxxvi. p. 215, ed. Paris, 1841.

231 In the eighteenth century, the Spaniards, generally, began to admit this; since they could not shut their eyes to the fact that their friends and relations succumbed so rapidly under professional treatment, that sickness and death were almost synonymous. Hence, notwithstanding their hatred of the French nation, they availed themselves of the services of French physicians and French surgeons, whenever they had an opportunity of doing 80. In 1707, the Princess des Ursins writes from Madrid to Madame de Maintenon, "Les chirurgiens espagnols sont mésestimés même de ceux de nation;" and, in another letter, "Les Espagnols conviennent que les

surgery, were equally backward. The instruments were rudely made, and the drugs badly prepared. Pharmacy being unknown, the apothecaries' shops, in the largest towns, were entirely supplied from abroad; while, in the smaller towns, and in districts remote from the capital, the medicines were of such a quality, that the best which could be hoped of them was, that they might be innocuous. For, in the middle of the eighteenth century, Spain did not possess one practical chemist. Indeed, we are assured by Campomanes himself, that, so late as the year 1776, there was not to be found in the whole country a single man who knew how to make the commonest drugs, such as magnesia, Glauber's salts, and the ordinary preparations of mercury and antimony. This eminent statesman adds, however, that a chemical laboratory was about to be established in Madrid; and although the enterprise, being without a precedent, would surely be regarded as a portentous novelty, he expresses a confident expectation, that, by its aid, the universal ignorance of his countrymen would in time be remedied.2 232

Whatever was useful in practice, or whatever subserved the purposes of knowledge, had to come from

médecins français sont beaucoup plus savants que les leurs; ils s'en servent même très-volontiers, mais ils sont persuadés que ceux de la faculté de Montpellier l'emportent sur les autres." Lettres inédites de Madame de Maintenon et de la Princesse des Ursins, vol. iii. p. 412, vol. iv. p. 90.

22 Campomanes (Apendice á la Educacion Popular, Madrid, 1776, vol. iii. pp. 74, 75), speaking of a work on distillation, says, "La tercera (parte) describe la preparacion de los productos químicos sólidos: esto es la preparacion de varias sustancias terreas, como argamasa, magnesia blanca, ojos de cangrejo etc., la de varios sales, como sal de glaubero, amoniaco, cristal mineral, borax refinado etc., y la del antimonio, mercurio, plomo, litargirio etc., comunicando sobre todo lo expresado varias noticias, que demuestran lo mucho que conducen á los progresos del arte, las observaciones del fisico reflexivo: unidas á la práctica de un profesor experimentado. Este arte en toda su extension falta en España. Solo le tenemos para aguardientes, rosolis, y mistelas. La salud pública es demasiado importante, para depender de los estraños en cosas esenciales; quando no estimulase nuestra industria la manutencion de muchas familias." "Gran parte de estas

cosas se introducen de fuera, por no conocerse bien las operaciones químicas. No son dificultosas en la execucion; pero es necesario enseñarlas, y conocer los instrumentos que son aproposito. Un laboratorio químico, que se va á establecer en Madrid, producirá maestros para las capitales del reyno."

VOL. II.

H

abroad. Ensenada, the well-known minister of Ferdinand VI., was appalled by the darkness and apathy of the nation, which he tried, but tried in vain, to remove. When he was at the head of affairs, in the middle of the eighteenth century, he publicly declared that in Spain there was no professorship of public law, or of physics, or of anatomy, or of botany. He further added, that there were no good maps of Spain, and that there was no person who knew how to construct them. All the maps which they had, came from France and Holland. They were, he said, very inaccurate; but the Spaniards, being unable to make any, had nothing else to rely on. Such a state of things he pronounced to be shameful. For, as he bitterly complained, if it were not for the exertions of Frenchmen and Dutchmen, it would be impossible for any Spaniard to know either the position of his own town, or the distance from one place to another.233

The only remedy for all this, seemed to be foreign aid; and Spain being now ruled by a foreign dynasty, that aid was called in. Cervi established the Medical Societies of Madrid and of Seville; Virgili founded the

233 "Su ministro el célebre Ensenada, que tenia grandes miras en todos los ramos de la administracion pública, deseaba ardientemente mejorar la enseñanza, lamentándose del atraso en que esta se hallaba. Es menester, decia hablando de las universidades, reglar sus cátedras, reformar las superfluas y establecer las que faltan con nuevas ordenanzas para asegurar el mejor método de estudios. No sé que haya cátedra alguna de derecho público, de fisica esperimental, de anatomia y botánica. No hay puntuales cartas geográficas del reino y de sus provincias, ni quien las sepa grubar, ni tenemos otras que las imperfectas que vienen de Francia y Holanda. De esto proviene que ignoramos la verdadera situacion de los pueblos y sus distancias, que es una vergüenza,' Tapia, Civilizacion Española, Madrid, 1840, vol. iv. pp. 268, 269. See also Biografía de Ensenada, in Navarrete, Coleccion de Opúsculos, Madrid, 1848, vol. ii. pp. 21, 22. "Le parecia vergonzoso que para conocer la situacion y distancias respectivas de nuestros mismos pueblos y lugares, dependiésemos de los franceses y holandeses, quienes por sus mapas imperfectas de la península extraian de ella sumas considerables." Eighty years after this complaint was made by Ensenada, we find a traveller in Spain stating that "a decent map of any part, even of the country round the gates of the capital, cannot be found." Cook's Spain from 1829 to 1832, London, 1834, vol. i. p. 322. Compare Notices of Geological Memoirs, p. 1, at the end of the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, vol. vi., London, 1850; "even a good geographical map of the Peninsula does not exist."