Annapolis of Pennsylvania. These schools grew out of the Schoolship Act of 1875, authorizing the Secretary of the Navy to assign suitable vessels, their charts and apparel, to certain ports upon the establishment of nautical schools:

Schoolship Act-June 20, 1874.The Secretary of the Navy, to promote. nautical education, is hereby authorized and empowered to furnish, upon the application in writing of the governor of a State, a suitable vessel of the navy, with all her apparel, charts, books, and instruments of navigation, provided the same can be spared without detriment to the naval service, to be used for the benefit of any nautical school, or school or college having a nautical branch, established at each of the following ports of the United States: Boston, Philadelphia, New York, Seattle, San Francisco, Baltimore, Detroit, Saginaw, Michigan, Norfolk, and Corpus Christi, upon the condition that there shall be maintained at such port a school or branch of a school for the instruction of youths in navigation, steamshipmarine engineering, and all matters pertaining to the proper construction, equipment, and sailing of vessels or any particular branch thereof.

A sum not exceeding the amount annually appropriated by any State or municipality for the purpose of maintaining such a marine school or schools or the nautical branch thereof is hereby authorized to be appropriated for the purpose of aiding in the maintenance and support of such school or schools; Provided, however, That appropriations shall be made for one school in any port heretofore named in

Sunday services. Note, at the upper right, part of the cross on the Church
Pennant, the only flag that ever flies above the Ensign

section one and that the appropriation
for any one year shall not exceed
twenty-five thousand dollars for any
one school.

The fostering of these schools is one of the fine things the Navy has done for the merchant marine, one of those unheralded and unadvertised activities typical of real sailors and their universal sympathy with one another. For twenty years or more these schools were officered by active naval men; then, as the gradu

ates became masters, the commanders and a large proportion of the officer personnel were selected from those graduates of the schools who seemed best fitted to perpetuate the kind of sea training that has stood the test of time.

Now what happens to an American boy fortunate enough to live in the State of Massachusetts, New York, or Pennsylvania who is between the ages of seventeen and twenty and has a real call to the sea service of the merchant marine? Does he stand on the stringpiece of a wharf and beg for a job as mess boy in the forecastle (cabin boys are out of date)? No; he applies for admission to his State schoolship, and passes a strict physical examination and a fairly stiff mental test, for he is destined to become a navigator or an engineer and must be grounded in simple mathematics.

Two years of solid training on board. a ship is what he gets. The nature of this youthful ordeal, for it is somewhat of an ordeal, is such that in two years he has more things done to him, body and mind, than falls to the lot of the fouryear college man ashore. In the first place, he is under severe discipline during the twenty-four hours. He begins his day with the stirring sound of a bugle ringing through the close-packed gun deck of the schoolship, and, with the agility of a monkey, he jumps from his hammock, "lashes and carries," and scramblés into his simple clothing with incredible speed. He lines up at formation, springs into the rigging and up the shrouds and over the masthead, as a

mere matter of getting the fresh morning air into and out of his lungs.

Then he learns the important lesson of obedience to lawful orders, the respect due superiors, the sailorlike "Aye, aye, sir," that many landsmen imagine lingers only on the stage ship Pinafore. But the crowded life of the schoolship, with its white decks, its tall masts and sails, and its boilers and machinery, its boats and gear, provides the ideal surroundings to a youth who has real sea blood in him and longs for blue water. And these boys on the schoolships do see blue water. This is the important and valuable part of the American training. They do not remain at anchor always, but each summer, when spring days wind up the academic term, the ships are put into seagoing trim, largely by the boys, and long cruises carry them over the ocean to Spain and Portugal and the Western islands of the ancients. For nearly half a century the annual visits of the American schoolships have been an event in the Azores, the Madeiras, and the Canaries.

Then the custom is to sail back over the historic route of the trade-wind passage of Columbus, winging westward before steady northeast breezes while the final examinations are given the senior or first class, and on arrival at the home. port the young mariners who have qualified are graduated with ceremony. In New York this always takes place on the floor of the Maritime Exchange. The bronzed, self-confident, clear-eyed youngsters are welcomed on the great steamers of a dozen lines. They are regarded as prime material, for they combine the practical with the theoretical. The first

class man, in addition to being a good navigator and a well-founded seaman, has also had the responsibility of carrying on the work of the ship under the direction of officers who check him up on every turn. He comes to the steamship with a developed sense of responsibility and the advantage of being broken, to ship life such as exists nowhere to-day but on these schoolships. From the schoolship he carries with him the same old tradition of American ability at sea that sent the clipper ships over the world with the Stars and Stripes leading all rivals in daring and speed. Boys six

years out of the schoolships are now captains of large vessels. Boys a few classes behind them are chief engineers and chief officers. Everywhere these quiet, efficient, seaworthy youngsters carry on, to the great credit of the States far-sighted enough to support this form of training and to the credit of the Navy for its fostering support. Most of the graduates are also officers in the Naval Reserve, and many of the highest officers in the Navy-men like Admirals Coontz, Sims, McDonald, Bristol, and Long, former officers on the schoolships in the early days of their inception are now the watchful and valuable friends of these almost unknown schools.

No rich man could spend money enough on his sons to equal the training given to all who qualify in age and physical and mental condition, all at a cost that calls only for the purchase of uniforms and a very limited allowance for pocket money. The sham is ironed out of life on the hard decks of the schoolship; lads stand squarely on their merit, the confidence of youth asserting itself on the high yard-arm at night in a squall, at the throttle, or in the fire-room under stress, or at the old-fashioned wheel, steering by hand, with an ugly following sea curling over the taffrail.

Each year from a hundred to a hundred and fifty new juniors join the growing ranks of the competent in the American merchant marine. These men also form the material from which we will eventually select our marine executives ashore. Many of the older graduates of the schoolships already hold positions of great influence and importance in the shore end of marine affairs.

CAILLAUX, although banished from Paris for three

years and deprived of his political rights, has never ceased to travel, speak, and write as if he had never been condemned by any High Court. But he had refrained so far from addressing an audience in his once familiar tone of leader of the Radical-Socialist party. It was not till the other day that, speaking at Denain, a strong mining center in the devastated regions, he left the country in no doubt at last that at the next election he would resume command of his troops. His three years will be up in April, when the general election takes place. He is still popular in his constituency, even with the clergy, whom he zealously protected against the very anti-clerical laws he was championing in the French Chamber, so there is little doubt that he will be re-elected; and as he is hampered by no exaggeration of modesty, and as his party is hard up for leaders, we can expect to see him promptly push his substitute, M. Herriot, back to his place as a second fiddle. will show once more how different the French political atmosphere is from

It

that of sterner nations, how prevalent tolerance, based on an idea of freedom, is in France.

M. Caillaux has become quite a personage in America and England, as well as in some South American countries, owing to the articles in which he serenely criticises his own country before foreign opinion as if he had every right to criticise. On the whole, his influence is far from being good, not merely because his judgment is well known to be frequently warped, but because his statements are apt to be amazingly incorrect. It was only the other day that he wrote in the London "Fortnightly Review" that M. Poincaré's characteristic is "a fear of responsibilities"! His British readers must have stared, but, as usual, they probably made up their minds that "a distinguished Frenchman like that must know." A little investigation into his political past would make things much clearer.

M. Caillaux is the son of a good family, which he is a little inclined to imagine even better than it was. His father was a well-off banker who dabbled in politics on the safe and sound conserva

tive side. The boy was brought up according to the approved canons of elegant financial milieus, was educated at a smart Jesuits' school, went to the École des Sciences Politiques, which, apart from its own sterling value, attracts the scions of all the old families, and finally competed for an inspectorship of finance, which he brilliantly secured, for he early showed that capacity for mastering figures which will always be his chief asset. He was well dressed, dashing, impertinent, and conceited. People who used to complain of his hauteur gradually became accustomed to it, as he impressed on them that he thought himself, on the contrary, extremely condescending. a short time he went into politics, on the paternal side, naturally, and stepping in the shoes of a duke. He made his mark as a financial expert and a master of lucid explanation of what can be clear only to a few and at best deceives the rest into imagining they see it clearly. Specialists both in the financial science and in foreign affairs were so scarce at the time that they were sure to attract attention. Long before he was forty M. Caillaux found himself a Cabinet Minis

In

ter in the Waldeck-Rousseau administration, a Moderate of Moderates, and probably looking askance at the first Socialist ever taken on board the wagon of a government, a lawyer of the name of Alexandre Millerand.

Those were the days, however, when moderation and capacity could only lead to a useful career, and men too often think themselves above that. One Moderate Deputy, Jean Jaurès, reappeared after four years' eclipse. as a resolute Socialist, a man who could not beat Millerand at actual reforms; but certainly beat him at beautiful talk about reforms. M. Caillaux, who always had in him a touch of a Catiline, followed suit. Being a financier, he could not decently become a Socialist, but it was the easiest thing to become what was, and still is, called a Radical-Socialist-that is to say, a bourgeois in the tradition of the great Revolutionists. These were bourgeois themselves, and never inclined to give much power to the lower classes of the population, but they found it convenient for rhetorical purposes to substitute the word people for the word nation, which previously obtained-a philological nuance fraught with unsuspected consequences. On the other hand, being a financier, M. Caillaux could not become a mere Radical ranter; he adjusted the difficulty by becoming a financial Radical and associating his name with the then new departure, viz., the substitution of the income tax for taxation based on visible property. He may have become sincere in his conviction since, but it is not sure that he was in those days.

One of his letters to a lady-love, published by the "Figaro," a letter which shortly before the war brought about the violent death of its editor, Calmette, at the hands of Madame Caillaux, said in definite terms that, "while pretending to advocate the income tax, he in reality was preparing its ruin." But the effect was produced, and by the year 1910 M. Caillaux had become an "advanced politician" who surprised and, indeed, delighted his new friends, as he still does, by aristocratic airs coupled with demagogic views.

Politicians, as is well known, are the prisoners of their own parties and of their parties' doctrines. In time M. Caillaux became a pro-German, as all French Radicals always are, from sheer fear of a war, and because a financier is inevitably attracted by the chances of business on a large scale offered by a Franco-German combine. During seven years M. Delcassé, at the French Foreign Office, had worked for an Anglo-French Entente;

Keystone

Joseph Caillaux, former French Premier, who has " -at least part way

M. Caillaux went on the other tack, and actually governed as Prime Minister as if he were sure of an alliance of France with Germany. The results are well known. Germany. The results are well known. Before the war M. Caillaux made over to Germany a splendid French colony in Africa against a German permission to France to develop Morocco under narrowly definite conditions. During the war his attitude was suspicious. It will be best understood by people who have read M. Dumur's novel "Les Défaitistes" and realize that a man can act in a strange way without being conscious of it, and be on the verge of treason, thinking himself a patriot all the time. Certain it is that M. Caillaux was condemned to three years' banishment for "endangering France's alliances," not by his political adversaries, but by Senators of his own party.

Most people would be crushed by such a blow coming at such a time. But M. Caillaux showed astonishing resilience. As soon as he was released from his imprisonment he began to speak and write in a lofty, prophetic manner, and while

come back"

waiting for an audience in his own country he almost immediately secured one abroad. The success in America of his confusing books and articles—as difficult to follow as his spoken utterances are clear and elegant has long been a surprise to people who know how to read. Somehow Americans have deceived themselves into imagining that here was another Dreyfus and a high-minded pacifist, not mentioning one of the greatest financiers alive. His most obscure statements and his most violent denunciations of his own country have been listened to with respectful attention.

Well, M. Caillaux is no victim; he is, on the contrary, an exceedingly lucky person. As for his views, they consist in a vague advocacy of international reconciliation based on labor co-operation and in definite measures tending to prompt nationalization of individual property. In America he would be regarded as an extremely dangerous politician, but, as he happens to speak of peace in the tone of Signor Nitti, he is looked upon as a Christian instead.