logy by John of Damascus, and which after wards was known by the name of school-divinity, was not then in use, at least in the western church; though soon after it made an amazing progress. In this scheme the allegorical gave way to the literal explication; the imagination had less scope; and the affections were less touched. But it prevailed by an appearance more solid and philosophical; by an order more scientific; and by a readiness of application, either for the solution or the exciting of doubts and difficulties.

They also cultivated in this monastery the study of natural philosophy and astronomy. There remain of Beda one entire book, and some scattered essays on these subjects. This book, de rerum naturâ, is concise and methodical, and contains no very contemptible abstract of the physics, which were taught in the decline of the Roman empire. It was somewhat unfortunate that the infancy of Eng lish learning was supported by the dotage of the Roman, and that even the spring-head, from whence they drew their intructions, was itself corrupted. However, the works of the great masters of the antient science still remained; but in natural philosophy the worst was the most fashionable. The Epicurean physics, the most approaching to rational, had long lost all credit by being made the support of an impious theology and a loose morality. The fine visions of Plato fell into some discredit by the abuse which heretics had made of them; and the writings of Aristotle seem to have been then the only ones much regarded, even in natural philosophy, in which branch of science alone they are unworthy of him. Beda entirely follows his system. The appearances of nature are explained by matter and form, and by the four vulgar elements, acted upon by the four supposed qualities of hot, dry, moist, and cold. His astronomy is on the common system of the antients, sufficient for the few purposes to which they applied it, but otherwise imperfect and grossly erroneous. He makes the moon larger than the earth; though a reflection on the nature of eclipses, which he understood, might have satisfied him of the contrary. But he had so much to copy, that he had little time to examine. These speculations, however erroneous, were still useful; for though men err in assigning the causes of natural operations, the works of nature are by this means brought under their consideration; which cannot be done without enlarging the mind. The science may be false or frivolous; the improvement, will be real. It may here be remarked,

that soon afterwards the monks began to apply themselves to astronomy and chronology, from the disputes which were carried on with so much heat and so little effect concerning the proper time of celebrating Easter; and the English owed the cultivation of these noble sciences to one of the most trivial controversies of ecclesiastic discipline. Beda did not confine his attention to those superiour sciences. He treated of music and of rhetoric, of grammar and the art of versification, and of arithmetic, both by letters and on the fingers and his work on this last subject is the only one in which that piece of antique curiosity has been preserved to us. All these are short pieces; some of them are in the catechetical method, and seem designed for the immediate use of the pupils in his monastery, in order to furnish them with some leading ideas in the rudiments of these arts, then newly introduced into his country. He likewise made, and probably for the same purpose, a very ample and valuable collection of short philosophical, political, and moral maxims, from Aristotle, Plato, Seneca, and other sages of heathen antiquity. He made a separate book of shining common-places and remarkable passages, extracted from the works of Cicero, of whom he was a great admirer, though he seems to have been not an happy or diligent imitator in his style. From a view of these pieces, we may form an idea of what stock in the science the English at that time possessed, and what advances they had made. That work of Beda, which is the best known and most esteemed, is the Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation. Disgraced by a want of choice, and frequently by a confused ill disposition of his matter, and blemished with a degree of credulity next to infantine, it is still a valuable, and, for the time, a surprising performance. The book opens with a description of this island, which would not have disgraced a classical author; and he has prefixed to it a chronological abridgment of sacred and profane history, connected from the beginning of the world; which, though not critically adapted to his main design, is of far more intrinsic value, and indeed displays a vast fund of historical erudition. On the whole, though this father of the English learning seems to have been but a genius of the middle class, neither elevated nor subtil, and one who wrote in a low style, simple but not elegant; yet when we reflect upon the time in which he lived, the place in which he spent his whole life, within the walls of a monastery, in so remote and wild a country, it is impossible to refuse him the praise of an in

credible industry, and a generous thirst of knowledge.

That a nation, who not fifty years before had but just begun to emerge from a barbarism so perfect that they were unfurnished even with an alphabet, should, in so short a time, have established so flourishing a seminary of learning, and have produced so eminent a teacher, is a circumstance which, I imagine, no other nation besides England can boast. Hitherto we have spoken only of their Latin and Greek literature. They cultivated also their native language, which, according to the opinions of the most adequate judges, was deficient neither in energy nor beauty and was possessed of such an happy flexibility, as to be capable of expressing with grace and effect every new technical idea, introduced by theology or science. They were fond of poetry; they sung at all their feasts; and it was accounted extremely disgraceful not to be able to take a part in these performances, even when they challenged each other to a sudden exertion of the poetic spirit. Caedmon, afterwards one of the most eminent of their poets, was disgraced in this manner into an exertion of a latent genius. He was desired in his turn to sing, but, being ignorant and full of natural sensibility, retired in confusion from the company; and by instant and strenuous application soon became a distinguished proficient in the art.

CHAPTER III.

SERIES OF ANGLO-SAXON KINGS FROM ETHELBERT TO ALFRED WITH THE INVASION OF THE DANES.

THE Christian religion having once taken root in Kent, spread itself with great rapidity throughout all the other Saxon kingdoms in England. The manners of the Saxons underwent a notable alteration by this change in their religion; their ferocity was much abated, they became more mild and sociable, and their laws began to partake of the softness of their manners, every where recommending mercy and a tenderness for Christian blood. There never was any people, who embraced religion with a more fervent zeal than the Anglo-Saxons, nor with more simplicity of spirit. Their history for a long time shows us a remarkable conflict between their dispositions and their principles. This conflict produced no medium, because they were absolutely contrary; and both operated

with almost equal violence. Great crimes and extravagant penances, rapine and an entire resignation of worldly goods, rapes, and vows of perpetual chastity, succeeded each other in the same persons. There was nothing, which the violence of their passions could not induce them to commit; nothing, to which they did not submit, to atone for thi offences, when reflection gave an opportunity to repent. But by degrees the sanctions of religion began to preponderate; and as the monks at this time attracted all the religious veneration, religion every where began to relish of the cloister; an inactive spirit and a spirit of scruples prevailed: they dreaded to put the greatest criminal to death; they scrupled to engage in any wordly functions. A king of the Saxons dreaded that God would call him to an account for the time which he spent in his temporal affairs and had stolen from prayer. It was frequent for kings to go on pilgrimages to Rome, or to Jerusalem on foot, and under circumstances of great hardship. Several kings resigned their crowns to devote themselves to religious contemplation in monasteries-more, at that time, and in this nation, than in all other nations, and in all times. This, as it introduced great mildness into the tempers of the people, made them less warlike, and consequently prepared the way to their forming one body under Egbert, and for the other changes which followed.

The kingdom of Wessex, by the wisdom and courage of King Ina, the greatest legislator and politician of those times, had swal lowed up Cornwall, for a while a refuge for some of the old Britains, together with the little kingdom of the south Saxons. By this augmentation it stretched from the land's end to the borders of Kent, the Thames flowing on the north, the ocean washing it on the south. By their situation, the people of Wessex naturally came to engross the little trade which then fed the revenues of England; and their minds were somewhat opened by a foreign communication; by which they became more civilized and better acquainted with the arts of war and of government. Such was the condition of the kingdom of Wessex when Egbert was called to the throne of his ancestors. The civil commotions, which for some time prevailed, had driven this prince, early in life, into an useful banishment. He was honourably received at the court of Charlemagne, where he had an opportunity of studying government in the best school, and of forming himself after the most perfect model. Whilst Charlemagne was reducing the conti

nent of Europe into one empire, Egbert reduced England into one kingdom. The state of his own dominions, perfectly united under him, with the other advantages which we have just mentioned, and the state of the neighbouring Saxon governments, made this reduction less difficult. Besides Wessex, there were but two kingdoms of consideration in England, Mercia and Northumberland. They were powerful enough in the advantages of nature, but reduced to great weakness by their divisions. As there is nothing of more moment to any country than to settle the succession of its government on clear and invariable principles, the Saxon monarchies, which were supported by no such principles, were continually tottering. The right of government sometimes was considered as in the eldest son, sometimes in all; sometimes the will of the deceased prince disposed of the crown; sometimes a popular election bestowed it. The consequence of this was the frequent division and frequent reunion of the same territory, which were productive of infinite mischief: many various principles of succession gave titles to some, pretensions to more; and plots, cabals and crimes could not be wanting to all the pretenders. Thus was Mercia torn to pieces; and the kingdom of Northumberland, assaulted on one side by the Scots, and ravaged on the other by the Danish incursions, could not recover from a long anarchy, into which its intestine divisions had plunged it. Egbert knew how to make advantage of these divisions; fomenting them by his policy at first, and quelling them afterwards by his sword, he reduced these two kingdoms under his government. The same power, which conquered Mercia and Northumberland, made the reduction of Kent and Essex easy: the people on all hands the more readily submitting, because there was no change made in their laws, manners, or the form of their government.

Egbert, when he had brought all England under his dominion, made the Welsh tributary, and carried his arms with success into Scotland, assumed the title of monarch of all Britain. The southern part of the island was Low for the first time authentically known by the name of England, and, by every appear ance, promised to have arrived at the fortunate moment for forming a permanent and splendid monarchy. But Egbert had not reigned seven years in peace, when the Danes, who had before showed themselves in some scattered parties, and made some inconsiderable de

*No Saxon monarch until Athelstan

scents, entered the kingdom in a formidable body. This people came from the same place whence the English themselves were derived, and they differed from them in little else, than that they still retained their original barbarity and heathenism. These, assisted by the Norwegians and other people of Scandinavia, were the last torrent of the northern ravagers, which overflowed Europe. What is remarkable, they attacked England and France when these two kingdoms were in the height of their grandeur; France under Charlemagne, England united by Egbert. The good fortune of Egbert met its first check from these people, who defeated his forces with great slaughter near Charmouth in Dorsetshire. It generally happens that a new nation, with a new method of making war succeeds against a people only exercised in arms by their own civil dissensions. Besides England, newly united, was not without those jealousies and that disaffection, which give such great advantage to an invader. But the vigilance and courage of Egbert repaired this defeat; he repulsed the Danes; and died soon after, at Winchester, full of years and glory.

He left a great but an endangered succession to his son Ethelwolf, who was a mild and virtuous prince, full of a timid piety, which utterly disqualifies for government; and he began to govern at a time when the greatest capacity was wanted.

The Danes pour in

upon every side: the king rouses from his lethargy; battles are fought with various success, which it were useless and tedious to recount. The event seems to have been, that in some corners of the kingdom the Danes gained a few inconsiderable settlements; the rest of the kingdom, after being terribly ravaged, was left a little time to recover, in order to be plundered anew. But the weak prince took no advantage of this time to concert a regular plan of defence, or to rouse a proper spirit in his people. Yielding himself wholly to speculative devotion, he entirely neglected his affairs; and to complete the ruin of his kingdom, abandoned it in such critical circumstances, to make a pilgrimage to Rome. At Rome he behaved in the manner that suited his little genius, in making charitable foundations, and in extending the Romescot of Peter-pence, which the folly of some princes of the heptarchy had granted for their particular dominions, over the whole kingdom. His shameful desertion of his country raised so general a discontent, that, in his absence, his own son, with the principal of his nobility and bishops, conspired against him. At his

return ne found, however, that several still adhered to him; but, here too, incapable of acting with vigour, he agreed to an accommodation, which placed the crown on the head of his rebellious son; and only left to himself a sphere of government as narrow as his genius, the district of Kent, whither he retired to enjoy an inglorious privacy with a wife whom he had married in France.

On his death, his son Ethelred still held the crown, which he had pre-occupied by his rebellion, and which he polluted with a new stain. He married his father's widow. The confused history of these times furnishes no clear account either of the successions of the kings or of their actions. During the reign of this prince and his successors, Ethelbert and Ethelred, the people in several parts of England seem to have withdrawn from the kingdom of Wessex, and to have revived their former independency. This, added to the weakness of the government, made way for new swarms of Danes, who burst in upon this ill-governed and divided people, ravaging the whole country in a terrible manner, but principally directing their fury against every monument of civility or piety. They had now formed a regular establishment in Northumberland, and gained a very considerable footing in Mercai and East Anglia; they hovered over every part of the kingdom with their fleets; and being established in many places in the heart of the country, nothing seemed able to resist them.

CHAPTER IV.

REIGN OF KING ALFRED.

It was in the midst of these distractions hat Alfred succeeded to a sceptre, which was hreatened every moment to be wrenched from his hands. He was then only twenty-two rears of age; but exercised from his infancy in troubles and in wars, that formed and displayed his virtue. Some of its best provinces were torn from his kingdom, which was shrunk o the antient bounds of Wessex; and what remained was weakened by dissension, by a long war, by a raging pestilence, and surrounded by enemies, whose numbers seemed inexhaustible, and whose fury was equally increased by victories or defeats. All these difficulties served only to increase the vigour of his mind. He took the field without delay; but he was defeated with considerable loss. This ominous defeat displayed more fully the

greatness of his courage and capacity, which found in desperate hopes and a ruined kingdom such powerful resources. In a short time after he was in a condition to be respected: but he was not led away by the ambition of a young warriour. He neglected no measures to procure peace for his country, which wanted a respite from the calamities which had long oppressed it. A peace was concluded for Wessex. Then the Danes turned their faces once more towards Mercia and East Anglia. They had before stripped the inhabitants of all their moveable substance, and now they proceeded without resistance to seize upon their lands. Their success encouraged new swarms of Danes to crowd over, who, finding all the northern parts of England possessed by their friends, rushed into Wessex. They were adventurers under different and independent leaders; and a peace, little regarded by the particular party that made it, had no influence at all upon the others. Alfred opposed this shock with so much firmness, that the barbarians had recourse to a stratagem: they pretended to treat; but taking advantage of the truce, they routed a body of the West Saxon cavalry, that were off their guard, mounted their horses, and crossing the country with amazing celerity, surprised the city of Exeter. This was an acquisition of infinite advantage to their affairs, as it secured them a port in the midst of Wessex. Alfred, mortified at this series of misfortunes, perceived clearly that nothing could dislodge the Danes, or redress their continual incursions, but a powerful fleet, which might intercept them at sea: the want of this, principally, gave rise to the success of that people. They used suddenly to land and ravage a part of the country; when a force opposed them, they retired to their ships and passed to somo other part, which in a like manner they ravaged, and then retired as before, until the country, entirely harassed, pillaged and wasted by these incursions, was no longer able to resist them. Then they ventured safely to enter a desolated and disheartened country, and to establish themselves in it. These considerations made Alfred resolve upon equipping a fleet; in this enterprise nothing but difficulties presented themselves; his revenue was scanty; and his subjects altogether unskilled in maritime affairs, either as to the construction or the navigation of ships. He did not therefore despair. With great promises attending a little money, he engaged in his service a number of Frisian seamen, neighbours to the Danes, and pirates, as they were He brought,