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ing to your Grace, was, for the greater part, written during the last feffion. A few days after the prorogation fome few obfervations were added: I was however refolved to let it lie by me for a confiderable time; that in viewing the matter at à proper distance, and when the fharpnefs of recent impreffions had been worn off, I might be better able to form a juft eftimate of the value of my firft opinions.

I have juft now read it over very coolly and deliberately. My latest judgment owns my firft fentiments and reafonings, in their full force, with regard both to perfons and things.


During a period of four years, the ftate of the world, except for fome few and fhort intervals, has filled me with a good deal of ferious in quietude. I confidered a general war against jacobins and jacobinifm, as the only poffible chance of faying Europe (and England as included in Europe) from a truly frightful revolution. For

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this I have been cenfured, as receiving, through weakness, or spreading, through fraud and artifice, a falfe alarm. Whatever others may think of the matter, that alarm, in my mind, is by no means quieted. The ftate of affairs abroad is not fo much mended, as to make me, for one, full of confidence. At home, I fee no abatement whatsoever in the zeal of the partifans of jacobinifm towards their caufe, nor any ceffation in their efforts to do mischief. What is doing by Lord Lauderdale on the first scene of Lord George Gordon's actions, and in his fpirit, is not calculated to remove my apprehenfions. They pursue their first object with as much eagerness as ever, but with more dexterity. Under the plaufible name of peace, by which they delude or are deluded, they would deliver us unarmed, and defenceless, to the confederation of jacobins, whofe center is indeed in France, but whofe rays proceed in every direction throughout the world. I understand that Mr. Coke, of Norfolk, has been lately very bufy in fpreading a diffaffection to this war (which we carry on for our being) in the country in which his property gives him fo great an influence. It is truly alarming to fee for large a part of the ariftocratick intereft engaged in the cause of the new fpecies of democracy, which is openly attacking, or fecretly undermining, the fyftem of property by which mankind has hitherto beeen governed.

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But we are not to delude ourselves. No man can be connected with a party, which profeffes publickly to admire, or may be justly fufpected of fecretly abetting, this French revolution, who muft not be drawn into its vortex, and become the inftrument of its defigns.

What I have written is in the manner of apology. I have given it that form, as being the moft refpectful; but I do not ftand in need of any apology for my principles, my fentiments, or my conduct. I wish the paper I lay before your Grace, to be considered as my most deliberate, folemn, and even teftamentary proteft, against the proceedings and doctrines which have hitherto próduced fo much mischief in the world, and which will infallibly produce more, and poffibly greater. It is my protest against the delufion, by which fome have been taught to look upon this jacobin conteft at home, as an ordinary party fquabble about place or patronage; and to regard this jacobin war abroad as a common war about trade or territorial boundaries, or about a political balance of power among rival or jealous ftates: above all, it is my proteft against that mistake or perverfion of fentiment, by which they who agree with us in our principles, may on collateral confiderations be regarded as enemies; and thofe who, in this perilous crifis of all human affairs, differ from us fundamentally and practically, as


our beft friends. Thus perfons of great importance may be made to turn the whole of their influence to the deftruction of their principles.

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I now make it my humble requeft to your Grace, that you will not give any fort of anfwer to the paper I fend, or to this letter, except barely to let me know that you have received them. Ieven wish that at present you may not read the paper which I tranfmit; lock it up in the drawer of your library table; and when a day of compulfory reflection comes, then be pleased to turn it. Then remember that your Grace had a true friend, who had, comparatively with men of your description, a very small intereft in oppofing the modern fyftem of morality and policy; but who under every difcouragement, was faithful to publick duty and to private friendship. I fhall then probably be dead. I am fure I do not wifh to live to fee fuch things. But whilft I do live, I fhall pursue the fame course; although my merits fhould be taken for unpardonable faults, and as fuch avenged, not -only on myself, but on my pofterity.

Adieu, my dear Lord; and do me the juftice to believe me ever, with most fincere refpect, veneration, and affectionate attachment,

Your Grace's most faithful friend,

and moft obedient humble fervant, EDMUND BURKE.

Beaconsfield, Sept. 29, 1793.



PPROACHING towards the clofe of a long period of publick fervice, it is natural I fhould be defirous to ftand well (I hope I do ftand tolerably well) with that publick, which, with whatever fortune, I have endeavoured faithfully and zealoufly to ferve.

I am also not a little anxious for fome place in the estimation of the two perfons to whom I addrefs. this paper. I have always acted with them, and with those whom they represent. To my know'ledge I have not deviated, no not in the minutest point, from their opinions and principles. Of late, without any alteration in their fentiments, or in mine, a difference of a very unusual nature, and which, under the circumftances, it is not eafy to defcribe, has arifen between us.

In my journey with them through life, I met Mr. Fox in my road; and I travelled with him very chearfully as long as he appeared to me to pursue the fame direction with thofe in whofe company I set out. I fet out. In the latter ftage of our progrefs, a new scheme of liberty and equality was produced in the world, which either dazzled his imagination,

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