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fent, there is no neutrality. They who are not actively, and with decifion and energy, against jacobinism, are its partifans. They who do not dread it, love it. It cannot be viewed with indifference. It is a thing made to produce a powerful impreffion on the feelings. Such is the nature of jacobinifm, fuch is the nature of man, that this fyftem must be regarded either with enthusiastick admiration, or with the highest degree of deteftation, refentment, and horrour.
Another great leffon may be taught by this book, and by the fortune of the author, and his party: I mean a leffon drawn from the confequences of engaging in daring innovations, from an hope that we may be able to limit their mischievous operation' at our pleasure, and by our policy to fecure our felves against the effect of the evil examples we hold out to the world. This leffon is taught through almost all the important pages of history; but never has it been taught fo clearly and fo awfully as at this hour. The revolutionists who have juft fuffered an ignominious death, under the fentence of the revolutionary tribunal (a tribunal composed of those with whom they had triumphed in the total deftruction of the ancient government) were by no means ordinary men, or without very confiderable talents and refources. But with all their talents and refources, and the apparent mo
mentary extent of their power, we fee the fate of their projects, their power, and their persons. We fee before our eyes the abfurdity of thinking to establish order upon principles of confufion, or with the materials and inftruments of rebellion, to build up a folid and stable government.
Such partifans of a republick amongst us, as may not have the worft intentions, will fee, that the principles, the plans, the manners, the morals, and the whole system of France, is altogether as adverse to the formation and duration of any rational scheme of a republick, as it is to that of a monarchy abfolute or limited. It is indeed a system which can only answer the purposes of robbers and murderers.
The tranflator has only to fay for himself, that he has found fome difficulty in this verfion. His original author, through hafte, perhaps, or through the perturbation of a mind filled with a great and arduous enterprife, is often obfcure. There are fome paffages too, in which his language requires to be first tranflated into French, at leaft into fuch French as the academy would in former times have tolerated. He writes with great force and vivacity; but the language, like every thing else in his country, has undergone a revolution. The translator thought it beft to be as literal as poffible; conceiving fuch a tranflation would perhaps be the
most fit to convey the author's peculiar mode of thinking. In this way the tranflator has no credit for ftyle; but he makes it up in fidelity. Indeed the facts and obfervations are fo much more important than the style, that no apology is wanted for producing them in any intelligible manner,
[The Addrefs of M. BRISSOT to his Conftituents being now almost forgotten, it has been thought right to add, as an Appendix, that part of it to which Mr. BURKE points our particular attention, and upon which he fo forcibly comments in his preface.]
HREE forts of anarchy have ruined our affairs in Belgium.
The anarchy of the administration of Pache, which has completely diforganized the fupply of our armies; which by that diforganization reduced, the army of Dumourier to ftop in the middle of its conquefts; which ftruck it motionless through the months of November and December; which hindered it from joining Bournonville and Cuftine, and from forcing the Pruffians and Auftrians to repass the Rhine, and afterwards from putting themfelves in a condition to invade Holland fooner than they did.
To this ftate of minifterial anarchy, it is neceffary to join that other anarchy which diforganized the troops, and occafioned their habits of pillage; and laftly, that anarchy which created the revolutionary power, and forced the union to France of the countries we had invaded, before things were ripe for fuch a measure.
Who could, however, doubt the frightful evils that were occafioned in our armies by that doctrine of anarchy which under the shadow of equality of right, would establish equality of fact? This is univerfal equality, the scourge of society, as the other is the fupport of fociety. An anarchical doctrine which would level all things, talents, and ignorance, virtues, and vices, places, ufages, and fervices; a doctrine which begot that fatal project of organiz ing the army, presented by Dubois de Crance, to which it will be indebted for a compleat diforganization.
Mark the date of the presentation of the fyftem of this equality of fact, entire equality. It had been projected and decreed even at the very opening of the Dutch campaign. If any project could encourage the want of difcipline in the foldiers, any fcheme could difguft and banish good officers, and throw all things into confufion at the moment when order alone could give victory, it is this project, in truth fo ftubbornly defended by the anarchists, and transplanted into their ordinary tactick.
How could they expect that there should exift any difcipline, any fubordination, when even in the camp they permit motions, cenfures, and denunciations of officers, and of Generals? Does not fuch a disorder deftroy all the respect that is due to fuperiours, and all the mutual confidence without which fuccefs cannot be hoped for? For the