Poland,

Saxony.

-but I fhould not much rely on their uninquifitive difpofition, if any of their ordinary motives to fedition fhould arise. The little catechism of the rights of men is foon learned; and the infe. rences are in the paffions.

Poland, from one caufe or other, is always unquiet. The new conftitution only ferves to fupply that reftlefs people with new means, at least new modes, of cherishing their turbulent difpofition. The bottom of the character is the fame. It is a great queftion, whether the joining that crown with the electorate of Saxony, will contribute moft to ftrengthen the royal authority of Poland, or to fhake the ducal in Saxony, The elector is a catholick; the people of Saxony are, fix fevenths at the very leaft, proteftants. He must continue a catholick according to the Polifh law, if he accepts that crown. The pride of the Saxons, formerly flattered by having a crown in the house of their prince, though an honour which coft them dear; the German probity, fidelity and loyalty; the weight of the conftitution of the empire under the treaty of Weftphalia; the good temper and good nature of the princes of the house of Saxony; had formerly removed from the people all appréhen.' fion with regard to their religion, and kept them perfectly quiet, obedient, and even affectionate. The feven years war made fome change in the minds of the Saxons. They did not, I believe, regret the lofs of what might be considered almoft

as

as the fucceffion to the crown of Poland, the pof feflion of which, by annexing them to a foreign intereft, had often obliged them to act an arduous part, towards the fupport of which that foreign intereft afforded no proportionable ftrength. In this very delicate fituation of their political inte refts, the fpeculations of the French and German œconomists, and the cabals, and the fecret, as well as publick doctrines of the illuminatenorden and free masons, have made a confiderable progress in that country; and a turbulent fpirit under colour of religion, but in reality arifing from the French rights of man, has already fhewn itself, and is ready on every occafion to blaze out.

The present elector is a prince of a safe and quiet temper, of great prudence, and goodness. He knows that in the actual state of things, not the power and respect belonging to fovereigns, but their very existence depends on a reasonable fruga lity. It is very certain that not one fovereign in Europe can either promife for the continuance of his authority in a ftate of indigence and infolvency, or dares to venture on a new impofition to relieve himself. Without abandoning wholly the ancient magnificence of his court, the elector has conduct. ed his affairs with infinitely more economy than any of his predeceffors, fo as to restore his finances beyond what was thought poffible from the ftate in which the feven years war had left Saxony.

Holland.

Saxony during the whole of that dreadful period having been in the hands of an exasperated enemy, rigorous by refentment, by nature and by neceffity, was obliged to bear in a manner the whole burden of the war; in the intervals when their allies prevailed, the inhabitants of that country were not better treated.

The moderation and prudence of the prefent elector, in my opinion, rather perhaps refpites the troubles than fecures the peace of the electorate. The offer of the fucceffion to the crown of Poland is truly critical, whether he accepts, or whether he declines it. If the ftates will confent to his acceptance, it will add to the difficulties, already great, of his fituation between the king of Pruffia and the Emperour. But thefe thoughts lead me too far, when I mean to fpeak only of the interiour condition of these princes. It has always however some neceffary connexion with their foreign politicks,

With regard to Holland, and the ruling party there, I do not think it at all tainted, or likely to be fo except by fear; or that it is likely to be mifled unless indirectly and circuitously. But the predominant party in Holland is not Holland, The fuppreffed faction, though fuppreffed, exifts. Under the afhes, the embers of the late commotions are ftill warm. The anti-orange party has from the day of its origin been French, though

alienated

alienated in fome degree for fome time, through the pride and folly of Louis the Fourteenth. It will ever hanker after a French connexion; and now that the internal government in France has been affimilated in fo confiderable a degree to that which the immoderate republicans began fo very lately to introduce into Holland, their connexion, as ftill more natural, will be more defired. I do not well understand the prefent exterior politicks of the Stadtholder, nor the treaty into which the newspapers fay he has entered for the ftates with the emperour. But the emperour's own politicks with regard to the Netherlands seem to me to be exactly calculated to answer the purpose of the French revolutionifts. He endeavours to crush the aristocratick party-and to nourish one in avowed connexion with the moft furious democratifts in France.

Thefe provinces in which the French game is fo well played, they confider as part of the old French empire: certainly they were amongst the oldeft parts of it. These they think very well fituated, as their party is well-disposed to a reunion. As to the greater nations, they do not aim at making a direct conquest of them, but by disturbing them through a propagation of their principles, they hope to weaken, as they will weaken them, and to keep them in perpetual alarm and agitation, and thus render all their efforts

7

againit

against them utterly impracticable, whilft they extend the dominion of their fovereign anarchy on all fides.

As to England, there may be fome apprehenfion from vicinity, from conftant communication, and from the very name of liberty, which, as it ought to be very dear to us, in its worst abuses carries fomething feductive. It is the abufe of the first and beft of the objects which we cherish. I know that many who fufficiently diflike the fyftem of France, have yet no apprehenfions of its prevalence here. I fay nothing to the ground of this fecurity in the attachment of the people to their conftitu tion, and their fatisfaction in the difcreet portion of liberty which it measures out to them. Upon this I have faid all I have to fay, in the appcal I have published. That fecurity is something, and not inconfiderable. But if a ftorm arises I should

not much rely upon it.

There are other views of things which may be ufed to give us a perfect (though in my opinion a delufive) affurance of our own fecurity. The first of thefe is from the weakness and ricketty nature of the new fyftem in the place of its firft formation. It is thought that the monster of a commonwealth cannot poffibly live-that at any rate the ill contrivance of their fabrick will make it fall in pieces of itself-that the affembly must be bankrupt, and that this bankruptcy will totally destroy

'that