THOUGHTS ON FRENCH AFFAIRS &c. &c. N all our transactions with France, and at all IN all periods, we have treated with that state on the footing of a monarchy. Monarchy was confidered in all the external relations of that kingdom with every power in Europe as its legal and conftitutional government, and that in which alone its federal capacity was vested. rin's Letter. It is not yet a year fince Monfieur de Montmorin, Montmo formally, and with as little respect as can be imagined, to the king, and to all crowned heads, announced a total revolution in that country. He has informed the British ministry, that its frame of government is wholly altered; that he is one of the minifters of the new fyftem; and in effect, that the king is no longer his master (nor does he even call him fuch) but the "first of the minifters," in the new fyftem, The Acceptance of the con Lufted. The fecond notification was that of the king's ftitution ra- acceptance of the new conftitution; accompanied with fanfaronades in the modern style of the French bureaus, things which have much more the air and character of the faucy declamations of their clubs, than the tone of regular office. It has not been very ufual to notify to foreign courts, any thing concerning the internal arrangements of any ftate. In the prefent cafe, the circumftance of these two notifications, with the obfervations with which they are attended, does not leave it in the choice of the fovereigns of Chrif tendom to appear ignorant either of this French revolution, or (what is more important) of its principles. We know that very soon after this manifefto of Monfieur de Montmorin, the king of France, in whofe name it was made, found himself obliged to fly, with his whole family; leaving behind him a declaration, in which he difavows and annuls that conftitution, as having been the effect of force on his perfon and ufurpation on his authority. It is equally notorious that this unfortunate prince was, with many circumftances of infult and outrage, brought back prifoner, by a deputation of the pretended national affembly, and afterwards suspended by their authority, from his government. Under equally notorious conftraint, and under menaces of total depofition, he has been compelled to accept what what they call a constitution, and to agree to whatever else the ufurped power, which holds him in confinement, thinks proper to impose. His next brother, who had fled with him, and his third brother, who had fled before him, all the princes of his blood, who remained faithful to him, and the flower of his magiftracy, his clergy, and his nobility, continue in foreign countries, protesting against all acts done by him in his present fituation, on the grounds upon which he had himfelf protefted against them at the time of his flight; with this addition, that they deny his very competence, (as on good grounds they may) to abrogate the royalty, or the antient conftitutional orders of the kingdom. In this proteft they are joined by three hundred of the late assembly itself, and in effect, by a great part of the French nation. The new government (fo far as the people dare to difclofe their fentiments) is difdained, I am perfuaded, by the greater number; who, as M. de la Fayette complains, and as the truth is, have declined to take any share in the new elections to the national affembly, either as candidates or electors. In this ftate of things (that is in the cafe of a divided kingdom) by the law of nations, Great Britain, like every other power, power, is free to take any part the pleases. She may decline, with more or * See Vattel, b. i. c. 4. fet. 56. and b. iii. c. 18. fect. 296. lefs |