Moderate party.

with more appearance of confideration for his new fubordinate office;, in hopes that yielding himself for the present, to the persons who have effected these changes, he may be able to game for the rest hereafter. On no other principles than thefe, can the conduct of the court of Vienna be accounted for. The fubordinate court of Bruffels talks the language of a club of Feuillans and Jacobins.

In this ftate of general rottenness among fubjects, and of delufion and falfe politicks in princes, comes a new experiment. The king of France is in the hands of the chiefs of the regicide faction, the Barnaves, Lameths, Fayettes, Perigords, Duports, Robespierres, Camus's, &c. &c. &c. They who had imprisoned, fufpended, and conditionally depofed him, are his confidential counfellors. The next defperate of the defperate rebels, call themfelves the moderate party. They are the chiefs of the firft affembly, who are confederated to fupport their power during their suspension from the prefent, and to govern the exiftent body with as fovereign a fway as they had done the laft. They have, for the greater part, fucceeded; and they have many advantages towards procuring their fuccefs in future. Just before the close of their

regular power, they beftowed fome appearance of prerogatives on the king, which in their first plans. they had refused to him; particularly the mischievous, and in his fituation, dreadful prerogative of

a Veto.

a Veto. This prerogative (which they hold as their bit in the mouth of the national affembly for the time being) without the direct affiftance of their club, it was impoffible for the king to fhew even the defire of exerting with the smallest effect, or even with fafety to his perfon. However, by playing through this Veto, the affembly against the king, and the king against the affembly, they have made themselves mafters of both. In this fituation, having destroyed the old government by their fedition, they would preferve as much of order as is neceffary for the support of their own ufurpa

tion.

baffador.

It is believed that this, by far the worst party of French amthe miscreants of France, has received direct encouragement from the counsellors who betray the emperour. Thus ftrengthened by the poffeffion of the captive king (now captive in his mind as well as in body) and by a good hope of the emperour, they intend to fend their ministers to every court in Europe; having fent before them fuch a denunciation of terrour and fuperiority to every nation without exception, as has no example in the diplomatick world. Hitherto the minifters to foreign courts had been of the appointment of the fovereign of France previous to the revolution; and either from inclination, duty or decorum, moft of them were contented with a merely paffive obedience to the new power. At prefent the king being en

Connexion of clubs.

tirely in the hands of his jailors, and his mind broken to his fituation, can fend none but the en thufiafts of the system-men framed by the fecret committee of the Feuillans, who meet in the house of Madame de Stahl, M. Necker's daughter. Such is every man whom they have talked of fending hither. These ministers will be so many spies and incendiaries; fo many active emiffaries of democracy. Their houfes will become places of rendezvous here, as every where else, and centers of cabal for whatever is mifchievous and malignant in this country, particularly among those of rank and fashion. As the minifter of the national affembly will be admitted at this court, at least with his ufual rank, and as entertainments will be natu rally given and received by the king's own minifters, any attempt to discountenance the refort of other people to that minister would be ineffectual, and indeed abfurd, and full of contradiction. The women who come with these ambaffadors will af fift in fomenting factions amongst ours, which cannot fail of extending the evil. Some of them I hear are already arrived. There is no doubt they will do as much mischief as they can.

Whilft the publick ministers are received under the general law of the communication between nations, the correspondences between the factious clubs in France and ours, will be, as they now are, kept up: but this pretended embaffy will be a

closer,

clofer, more fteady and more effectual link between the partifans of the new system on both fides of the water. I do not mean that these Anglo-Gallick clubs in London, Manchester, &c. are not dangerous in a high degree. The ap pointment of feftive anniversaries has ever in the fenfe of mankind been held the beft method of keeping alive the spirit of any inftitution. We have one fettled in London; and at the last of them, that of the 14th of July, the strong discountenance of government, the unfavourable time of the year, and the then uncertainty of the difpofition of foreign powers, did not hinder the meeting of at least nine hundred people, with good coats on their backs, who could afford to pay half a guinea a head to fhew their zeal for the new principles. They were with great difficulty, and all poffible addrefs, hindered from inviting the French ambaffador. His real indifpofition, besides the fear of offending any party, sent him out of town. But when our court fhall have recognised a government in France, founded on the princiciples announced in Montmorin's letter, how can the French ambaffador be frowned upon for an attendance on those meetings wherein the establishment of the government he reprefents is celebrated? An event happened a few days ago, which in many particulars was very ridiculous; yet even from the ridicule and abfurdity of the proceed

ings, it marks the more ftrongly the fpirit of the French affembly. I mean the reception they have given to the Frith-Street alliance. This, though the delirium of a low, drunken alehouse club, they have publickly announced as a formal alliance with the people of England, as fuch ordered it to be prefented to their king, and to be published in every province in France. This leads more directly and with much greater force than any proceeding with a regular and rational appearance, to two very material confiderations. Firft, it fhews that they are of opinion that the current opinions of the English have the greatest influence on the minds of the people in France, and indeed of all the people in Europe, fince they catch with such aftonishing eagerness at every the most trifling fhew of fuch opinions in their favour. Next, and what appears to me to be full as important, it fhews that they are willing publickly to countenance and even to adopt every factious conspiracy that can be formed in this nation, however low and base in itself, in order to excite in the most miserable wretches here, an idea of their own fovereign importance, and to encourage them to look up to France, whenever they may be matured into fome. thing of more force, for affiftance in the subverfion of their domeftick government. This address of the alchoufe club was actually propofed and accepted by the affembly as an alliance. The proce

dure