was annulled in 1814 by a bull of the Pope, and the Catholic congregations were put under a provisonal vicar-general in the person of Francis Güldlin von Tiefenau, the former provost of the chapter of Munsters in the canton of Lucerne. The Swiss governments made a weak opposition. Even the national party, deceived by the promise of a national bishopric, for the most part acquiesced in or rejoiced at the encroachments of the Pope upon the rights of their country. The provisonal vicariat ended in 1826, not in the establishment of a national diocese, but with begetting two "immediate bishoprics," Basle and Chur, and St. Gall, which were put under the immediate authority of the Pope, who was to draw a considerable income from them. The bishop and chapter of Constanz protested against this proceeding, and appealed a papa male informato ad papam melius informandum. Some cantons were thrown into violent agitation. The liberals now saw in the Pope's bull the forerunner of Roman censorship and encroachments of all sorts upon the independence of their country. But the influence of the ultra-montans, headed by the papal nuncio at Lucerne, was too well founded not to frustrate all efforts of their opponents. Some of the cantons entered into separate treaties with the Pope; others soon followed, and the Roman party fully attained its end.

The national party, on the other hand, had its adherents in the inhabitants of the smaller towns and boroughs, which were adverse to the privileges of the aristocratical cities. With them stood the country-people of all the larger cantons. In the grand councils the liberal party was nearly unrepresented, and their only organ in the public press was the Appenzeller Zeitung, Appenzell being the sole canton whose government professed liberal principles and where the press was free. The reforms demanded were, abolition of all privileges and a free and equal representation of the people; publicity in administration and justice; a free press; and such a reform of the federal compact as might tend to a stronger union to secure the freedom and independence of Switzerland. The events of 1823, when, after the Italian revolutions, the Swiss governments under foreign influence expelled the refugees who had sought an asylum in Switzer

land, and submitted to the violation of a right always before respected, were looked upon by the national party as an insult to their country for which the aristocrats were answerable, and which would not have happened under a reformed constitution.

Even before the French revolution of 1830, the liberals of a few cantons had succeeded in carrying various reforms. The people of Tessin revolted against the oligarchy of Quadri, and the canton adopted an entirely new constitution based on democratical principles. In the debate on the federal guarantee being given to this new constitution, the aristocrats could not conceal their apprehension that the example set by Tessin would soon be followed by other cantons. It cannot be doubted that the hatred of the greater portion of the Swiss people against the ruling aristocrats was so deeply rooted, that even without the French revolution other insurrections would have taken place. The commotions, however, would have been more violent and success less probable, because the aristocrats would have been less ready to comply with the demand for reforms. They were intimidated by the news of the victory gained by the people in Paris, whilst the national party was elevated and made bold to imitate the example of the French. On the whole, with but little opposition, the governments of the larger cantons yielded to the people; and where they made a show of resistance they were forced to submit by the country-people marching, en masse, against the privileged cities. In July 1831, Argovia, Thurgovia, Zurich, St. Gall, Soleure, Fryburgh, Lucerne, Vaud, Schafhausen and Berne, which cantons comprised by far the greater and wealthier part of the population of Switzerland, had received new fundamental laws. These ten cantons, together with Tessin and the new canton of Basel-country, are now commonly comprised under the name of "the regenerated cantons." In Basel alone, where the most violent hatred prevailed between the city and the country, the insurrection of the latter was followed by bloodshed, and ended, after a three years' state of war, in the country-districts becoming a separate canton. In the canton of Schwytz the "inner districts" refusing to the "outer districts" a share of their rights and privileges,

the latter also separated from the former; but the two divisions became reunited under a new constitution by authority of the diet in 1833. In Glaris and Wallis the liberals were too weak to get the constitutions reformed. It was not before 1837 that the Protestants of Glaris succeeded in having the privileges of the Catholics abolished. In Neufchatel the insurrection of the democratical party was at once put down by the Prussian government.

All the new constitutions of the "regenerated cantons are founded on the principle of the people being the true and only source of the sovereign and legislative power, which is conferred, per delegationem, upon the grand council elected by the people. In all questions respecting changes in the fundamental law of the cantons or the confederation, the people are to give their votes in the elective assemblies. The grand council appoints the members of the executive council as well as of the chief courts of justice. This system prevails with little variation in the different cantons. In some of them a small portion of the immunities of the formerly privileged cities have been preserved; in several cantons a certain amount of property is necessary in order to become an elector or to be eligible for the grand council, in others not; in some cantons, as in St. Gall and Basel-country, a veto is given, in certain important questions, to the people in their elective assemblies.

The Swiss patriots entertained no doubt that the federal compact would now likewise undergo reform, and the basis of a new era of national honour and glory be laid; but the dream was of short duration. The strength and unity which the governments of the regenerated cantons manifested for a time, soon gave way to weakness and discord. The common aim of overthrowing the aristocratical sway, which had kept together the national party from 1815 to 1830, being once attained, they now separated into several fractions. A portion of the liberals, now comprehended under the term “justemilieu, " desire to abide by what has been done; whilst another portion, to which the name of "radicals" is given, contend for further reforms. Yet both these fractions are again subdivided into different sections, if not always openly, at

least in their private objects. One class of the juste-milieu, afraid of the influence gained by the country-people, are not only endeavouring to stop the further extension of concessions, but incline to reaction, and would act in union with the old aristocrats, on condition of the former exclusive privileges not being re-established in their whole extent. This party would readily abolish freedom of the press, which exists since 1830. A second class, which might now be called the conservative party of the regenerated cantons, are willing to maintain the present constitutions and liberties, but to make no new concessions. They are enemies of the old aristocrats, yet fear as much from the progress of the mouvement, as from any attempt to retrace their steps. The juste-milieu is predominant in the cantons of Fryburgh, Solothurn and Schafhausen. In Zurich it has gained an ascendency by the last revolution, which was its work.

The radicals are divided into three fractions. The one has for its object to make the wealthier inhabitants of the country rulers over the once privileged cities, as the latter were over the former before 1830, and to carry therefore such measures in the legislative assembly as may tend to promote this design. This fraction, which is very numerous in nearly all the regenerated cantons, but especially in Berne, where it is headed by the brothers Schnell of Burgdorf, is called the magnates of the villages" (die Dorfmagnaten). A second class of the radicals, ranking more properly under this term, contends for bringing into full operation all the consequences of the democratic principle, and for thorough reforms in administration and law. They carried, in 1837, the revision of the constitutions of Thurgovia and Zurich, by which the elective franchise was extended to all the inhabitants without any census. Their leaders belong to the best instructed classes and learned professions, but their power depends on the sympathy of the "magnates of villages." As soon as they lose their credit with the latter their authority is precarious, as was shown by the last insurrection in Zurich, when the "magnates," influenced by the clergy, left their radical leaders and went over to the above-mentioned first class of the juste milieu. The third class of the radical party are

called "the national men" (die nationalen), and comprise those who remain firmly attached, under all circumstances, to the reform principle with respect to the federal compact, and seek to promote above all the interests of Switzerland as a whole country and state. In opposition to the national men, all those who endeavour to promote the interests of the canton only to which they may belong are designated as "cantonal men *." All these fractions of the once united liberal party of the period from 1815 to 1830 would exhibit still greater divisions if we were to review them in their interests and proceedings in the single cantons.

The three fractions of the radical party taken together form by far the stronger party; the strength of the juste-milieu and aristocrats consists rather, besides the national and historical circumstances of Switzerland being favourable to their cause, in the political faults and errors of the radicals. The leaders of the latter were, with the exception of Usteri, of Zurich, totally inexperienced in the method of managing public affairs. They had first to learn the art of governing when they got into the places of the aristocrats. Usteri, well known by a work on the Swiss public law, was a member of the deputation to Napoleon for treating of the Act of Mediation. He was a man of great political experience and knowledge; but his party had the misfortune to lose him shortly after the regeneration. He died in April 1833. There were indeed some other talented men in Zurich, such as Dr. Keller, Professor Orelli, Hess, and Hizzel, still their faculties did not compensate for their want of practice. Dr. Keller was moreover blamed for the immorality of his private life, a fault which the Swiss, like all nations of German origin, seldom overlook. Orelli, known by his edition of Cicero, is an excellent philologist, but no politician. In Aarau the leading liberals were Zschokke the well-known author, and Troxler, the latter filling a distinguished place in German philosophy. Both these men soon lost the great influence which they possessed before 1830; Zschokke, because he went over to

*The Swiss are very inventive in party-terms: the aristocrats are also called the "black," the juste-milieu the "grey," and the radicals the "white."