larger sense the Interparliamentary Union is offering the opportunity for an exchange of views between continents.

In its attempt, as stated in its Constitution, "to unite in common action the members of all parliaments," the Interparliamentary Union seeks to bring about "that peace which inevitably reigns where justice prevails through law."

-Léon Bourgeois

THE peacemakers of France have lost

HE peacemakers of France have lost

a widely known spokesman in Léon Bourgeois. He represented, not the Frenchman of the Napoleonic tradition "carrying a marshal's baton in his knapsack," but the Frenchman of the newer school of conference and conciliation. One of the elder statesmen of the Republic, of the period of Freycinet and Ribot, M. Bourgeois held a deserved position of respect and dignity.

Like his countryman, the Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, wherever the cause of peace was being discussed he usually could be counted upon to lend his voice. But, unlike that other leader in

international movements, M. Bourgeois endeavored to make his views effective by entering into actual affairs, taking a very active part in politics. He often

held Ministerial office and once was called as Premier to form a Cabinet of his own; but in later years he did not affect seriously the real settlement of public issues. At the Peace Conference at Versailles he represented the closest French approach to the ideas of President Wilson. He spoke earnestly and often for the League of Nations. He supported the theory that the League should have its own international army, subject to its own international staff, to enforce peace. When he saw this theory blocked and finally shelved, he cordially accepted the view that the League must rest on moral force, and after the establishment of the League did useful and loyal work with French delegations at Geneva.

His death silences a voice of that liberal and peace-loving France which America in these days would do well to keep in mind.

A Report of Progress in the Philippines

just made public here. As a result of visits which he made to most portions of the archipelago, General Wood declares, he "found everywhere, generally speaking, a contented people living under steadily improving conditions and surroundings." Business conditions, public order, public health-all show better

ment.

"There have been some indications of local unrest, which at times threatened public order," says General Wood. "None of these have had the character of organized resistance to authority and were generally due to the action of misguided people following fanatical leaders."

As to the administration of justice in the islands, the Governor-General, after stating that the affairs of the Bureau of Justice were satisfactorily and effectively discharged during the year, declares that "continued and unremitting effort has been made to improve the administration of justice and safeguard the courts from political and personal influence." "Confidence in the department is steadily increasing," he adds, "but much must yet. be done in order to establish the courts firmly in public confidence and convince the public that political and personal in

fluence are not given weight before the courts. The problem is made much more difficult by the lack of an instructed public opinion, a common language, and a widely circulating press. On the whole, however, the situation is encouraging."

General Wood emphasizes "the widespread and keen interest in education," which, he asserts, "continues to be one of the most encouraging features of the Philippine situation." The people are deeply interested in the schools and contribute very liberally to their support. Except in the Moro (Mohammedan) provinces where old prejudices and opposition to Christian Filipino teachers exists, the schools are crowded to their utmost capacity throughout the islands. Every effort is being made to impress upon the people the great importance of farm and other vocational schools. As a result of school work development of facility in the use of the English language is noted; and this justifies the continuance of English as the medium of instruction. On this account one of the great needs is for a sufficient number of

competent American teachers who can teach English and who can train Filipino teachers of English.

"Nothing will do more to build up national solidarity," says General Wood, "than the establishment of a common language. Despite the efforts of a few individuals to introduce the teaching of some of the 87 different dialects into the public schools, the opinion is general among the people that English should be the national language, and that the present policy of emphasizing English should be continued."

The condition of the public health continues to improve, with a decreasing death rate. As to anti-leprosy work, General Wood reports the results as "most encouraging." The public, he says, is commencing to look upon Culion as a place for care and treatment and possible cure rather than a place for segregation and isolation. Governor Wood believes that leprosy may eventually be eradicated, not only from the Philippines, but from other parts of the world, just as yellow fever and malaria have been practically wiped out of the tropics. The lepers are, in General Wood's words, "the most afflicted and unfortunate of God's creatures." In working for them, he says, "we are working for lepers throughout the

(C) Harris & Ewing

General Leonard Wood

world, and in the broadest sense for humanity."

ment of the difficulties resulting from the development of the new weapon and towards the re-establishment of the aviators' morale. The testimony before this Board has already shown that Colonel Mitchell's supporters have not seen the whole truth.

A

A Settlement in

Principle

DEBT between friends is apt to

be more troublesome than a debt between strangers. It creates a conflict of interests where otherwise interests would be harmonious. Eight, seven, even six years ago the French Republic and this Republic of the United States were in very hearty accord. Buddies in the war, they seemed to have every reason for remaining comrades in peace. But memories of what the Americans did on French soil seem to have become obliterated in the minds of the French. No French statesman could have talked in 1918 the way the French statesmen talked the other day to our

A

VIATORS speaking through the mouth of Colonel Driggs make a powerful plea in this issue of The Outlook for the recognition that theirs is a specialized craft, and that the aviator is a man set apart.

The stronger the case for this statement, the weaker the case for the establishment of a separate department of the air. Taken on their own terms, aviators are men concerned with tactics, not with strategy. Aviation is a new weapon; it is not a policy or a purpose. As a weapon it must be under the control of men accustomed to think in terms of policy and purpose.

This does not mean that distinctive brilliancy in the air should not be recognized in ways which are not now incorporated in our military and naval organizations. It does not mean that aviators cannot be set free from the ordinary routine of desk and field. It does not mean that cavalrymen and ship commanders are capable, by the mere fact of seniority, of utilizing to the best advantage the air forces of the Nation.

The President's Air Board ought to be able to point the way for the adjust

this issue. Memories of what the French did before we took our part in the war, and what they did in providing us with needed munitions and still more needed leadership, have become faint in the minds of many Americans. Frenchmen looking to America have been saying. "Usury!" And Americans looking toward France have been saying in response, "Repudiation!"

To end that state of mental conflict is more important than to arrange any particular terms of payment.

The conference just ended at Washington in what seems a disappointing failure is in this one important respect likely to prove essentially a success.

After that conference no American can intelligently charge France with repudiation.

After that conference no Frenchman can intelligently charge America with

usury.

The plan agreed upon amounts to the recognition by France of the total sum which she owes. Until this plan was accepted France's recognition of the debt consisted wholly in statements by her officials, but was not expressed by any payment. It is true that France was paying us $20,000,000 a year, but that sum was merely interest at 5 per cent on

the purchase in 1919 of war supplies worth $400,000,000. The rest of the debt, the principal of which is more than three billion dollars, had been unacknowledged so far as any payment of interest, even nominal interest, was concerned. Now Mr. Caillaux, the French Finance Minister, has taken the responsibility of offering to pay for the next five years $40,000,000 a year. This payment is accepted as full interest on the total

debt, which with accumulated interest

amounts to about $4,200,000,000. Thus France in practical fashion acknowledges her obligation.

On the other hand, by this arrangement the United States makes clear that

she is not acting like a money-lender, but

as a friend of France. Calculated on the total of the principal and accumulated interest, the sum of $40,000,000 a year, which America accepts as full interest for five years, is somewhat less than 1 per cent. Even calculated on the original principal, without considering the accumulated unpaid interest charges, that rate is less than 14 per cent. No usurer makes arrangements of that sort. If anything can make the position of the United States clear, the acceptance of this plan by our Debt Funding Commission should do so. There may be some Americans that would like to force France to pay to her utmost, but the great majority of Americans are in full accord with the principle for which the American Commission has stood, and that is the necessity for recognition of international obligations in the interest of future international confidence. Interest at 1 or 14 per cent is an acknowledgment of the obligation; and it

internal debts and escape from the further inflation and depreciation of her currency. Moreover, this plan is the virtual acceptance by the United States of the first part of Mr. Caillaux's programme. He proposed to pay $40,000,000 a year for the first five years, $60,000,000 a year for the following seven years, and then $100,000,000 a year for fifty-five or fifty-six years. Our Administration regarded the programme as

inadequate, in view of the charges which

the American Government has to pay on the Liberty Loans, but by accepting Mr. Caillaux's programme for the first five years gave France the opportunity to see what she could do at the end of the five

year period. By that time, not only should France be through with her reconstruction, but Germany will have begun her heavier payments under the Dawes Plan. Conditions five years from now cannot be predicted, but they are likely to provide a better basis for estimating the factors in the long-term payment of France's huge debt.

For the United States there is a gain of course of $20,000,000 a year, but that is negligible in comparison with what it stands for in the matter of recognition of the debt and with the consequent increase of American good will.

The provisional plan thus means going ahead on the best terms now possible, keeping the main question of permanent settlement open, and maintaining in the meantime friendly contact between the two Governments. As such it should be welcomed. It should be ratified by both countries.

has gone to the extreme limit in avoiding

pressure to secure the money for its own

sake as distinguished from a pledge of good financial faith.

For France there has been won a further breathing spell. The stabilization of her debt, without further accumulation of interest at 5 per cent, is secured at a rate of about 1 per cent annually. Now Mr. Caillaux can turn his abilities to the insistent task of straightening out his country's disturbed finances. If Congress approves, the arrangement may improve France's credit standing in New York and make it possible for her to secure some of the gold she needs to meet

P

RESIDENT COOLIDGE'S address to the American Legion on Tuesday of last week should be made available for reading by every citizen in the land. Though printed in full in many newspapers, it will not be read as it would be if printed in reasonably large type in pamphlet form. Every

post office should be authorized to take orders at a price to cover the cost of printing.

Here we can quote only a few of its salient passages. To the members of the of a true nobility" which came to them American Legion he ascribed "the rank not by right of birth but "by right of conquest, by what they dared and did, by the sacrifices they made for the country." They represent "a great resurgence of the old American spirit."

No public man has, we think, come closer to the truth in giving the reasons why America entered the war than President Coolidge in this address. We wish it might be inscribed in our histories.

The only gain possible from such a war, he said, "must have been in moral and spiritual values." As he looks over the results he finds the good outweighing the evil. He finds less fear than before the war and a more secure peace. How shall that peace be preserved? A hint of his answer can be given in the following quotations:

I am a thorough believer in a policy of adequate military preparation. . . . The country can rest assured that if security lies in military force, it was never so secure before in all its history. But

...

No nation ever had an army large enough to guarantee it against attack in time of peace or to insure its victory in time of war. No nation ever will. .. Our institutions are founded not on military power but on civil authority.... Whenever the military power starts dictating to the civil authority, by whatsoever means adopted, the liberties of the country are beginning to end. . . . A proper and sound selective service act... ought to give authority for a very broad mobilization of all the resources of the country, both persons and materials.

During war time "the necessity for a common purpose and a united intellectual front becomes paramount to everything else;" but with the coming of peace there

should be a reversion to the "old and normal habits of thought."

There should be an intellectual demobilization as well as a military demobilization. . . . It is the ferment of ideas, the clash of disagreeing judgments, the privilege of the individual to develop his own thoughts and shape his own character, that makes progress possible.

Among some of our racial, religious, and social groups the President found and condemned intolerance of opinion and fixity of judgment, and declared that "we can render no greater service than by demonstrating the possibility of harmonious co-operation among so various groups."

This tolerance he finds compatible with the spirit of unity, for he said:

By tolerance I do not mean indifference to evil. I mean respect for different kinds of good. . . . I recognize the full and complete necessity of one hundred per cent Americanism, but one hundred per cent Americanism may be made up of many various elements. . . The generally expressed desire of "America first" cannot be criticised. It is a perfectly correct aspiration for our people to cherish. But the problem which we have to solve is how to make America first.

In closing he acknowledged the inevitable difficulties ahead, but declared his faith in the future:

We shall be made aware of the boisterous and turbulent forces of evil about us seeking the things which are temporal. But we shall also be made. aware of the still small voice arising from the fireside of every devoted home in the land seeking the things which are eternal. To such a country, to such a cause, the American Legion has dedicated itself. Upon this rock you stand for the service of humanity. Against it no power can prevail.

The Battle of the Ducks

HE question, "Who shall save the ducks?" bids fair to stir up as much of a discussion as the time-honored query, "Who killed Cock Robin?" Mr. Gregg in our issue of September 16 presented one side of the case. Mr. John Burnham, President of the American Game Protection Association, presents another side in this issue.

Mr. Gregg argues in favor of taking the salvation of ducks, and incidentally all other game-both game birds and game animals-"out of the hands of hunters." Mr. Burnham declares that

the hunters are the best qualified people in the United States to settle the question of game preservation. Mr. Gregg and Mr. Burnham are equally earnest in their desire that our wild life shall be saved.

Mr. Gregg avers that interested parties make poor judges. Mr. Burnham replies that the interested parties in this case are the only ones who have full knowledge of the situation. In theory Mr. Gregg's position seems to us absolutely correct. As matters have developed in the United States, there is much to be said for Mr. Burnham's position from the practical side.

Any one who does not recognize the great service which organizations of

hunters and fishermen have done for the preservation of game must be blind to the facts. Sportsmen have been largely responsible for the elimination of the market hunter. They have been the chief force behind the establishment of game refuges. They have done a tremendous amount of work in destroying the vicious tradition that it is the inalienable right of every American to shoot any wild thing on sight. Hunters and fishermen of the best type have provided money for the support of conservation movements and State departments of fish and game. The outstanding figures among hunters and fishermen have been fully alive to their responsibility for handing down to our children a heritage. of wild life. Yet to admit all this is still to leave Mr. Gregg's main contention unanswered.

Hunters in the past have brought certain species to extinction. Events have proved that not in all cases have hunters been as far-sighted as they might have been or as wise as their self-interest would indicate. They have not always been able to withhold their fingers from

the trigger when species approached the danger sign that threatened extinction.

Is there not some way that the country may profit by the enlightened selfinterest of hunters, their knowledge of game conditions, their willingness to contribute largely for the protection of game, and still leave the final determination as to bag limits in impartial hands?

Perhaps a lesson might be drawn from the story of Samuel Plimsoll, the British politician and social reformer, whose activity means so much to the safety of every seaman. It will be remembered that before Plimsoll's time neither the

self-interest of shippers nor the vigilance of insurance companies was adequate to prevent the overloading of merchant ships. Through the activity of Plimsoll a royal commission was appointed and the Merchant Shipping Act was passed, giving stringent powers of inspection to the Board of Trade. Every ship now carries a mark indicating the limit to which it may be loaded, depending upon the seas it is to traverse and the season wherein it sails.

Let us see that the Plimsoll mark on our wild life is established in so far as possible by disinterested authority.

mer.

Harold Grange comes of a fairly typical Middle Western family of modest means so modest, indeed, that he has been making his way through college by running an ice-wagon in the sumHis own personality is modest, remarkably so when one considers his temptations. It may be that he is not even the best of football captains. He has not the initiative or the push that goes with leadership. But if he did have that initiative the idle tongues that are

already wagging about him in his home

sector would be multiplied by thousands.

In the Western conference there is no training table, with the result that when he has finished practice Grange is his own man, or at least he thought he was until he became famous. How he gets his lessons these autumn evenings before 9:30, the athlete's retiring hour, is a puzzle. He is a good enough student to do so, however. But he is a courteous and patient young man. How often he has told the altogether unremarkable story of his unremarkable life to the hounds of the press and publicity no one will ever know. He has been literally in

October 14, 1925

a state of siege in every waking spare moment. "The worst of all," said Bob Zuppke, the Illinois football coach, "was the lady novelist. I don't know whether she thought he was King Arthur of the Table Round, or Sir Galahad, or the Chevalier Bayard, or what. Anyhow, I told her to get him up off those soft cushions where she had him sitting. Think of my fine athlete sitting on soft cushions! That ain't football."

Just now more people are interested in Grange's future than in that of Jack Dempsey. As a drawing card this season, win or lose, he should be worth half a million to his University. Quite a valuable iceman. Grange's net return is hard work, annoyance without surcease, and worry over whether he will be able to maintain his last year's efficiency with this year's team, of which he is captain. He is a very earnest and very loyal son of Illinois, and he has so far brought nothing but credit to his University. He has steadfastly refused to jeopardize his amateur standing, partly because he wants to help out his University in the spring on the baseball field.

Human nature, and especially American human nature, being what it is, there are thousands of persons, both honest and shady, who see a great meal ticket in Grange. His letters from women who do not know him run about fifty a day, and business proposals come close to that. He has been offered all sorts of sums by all sorts of enterprises, and has turned them all down. Some of them were legitimate and tempting. In a sense he hasn't a friend in the world. There is nothing that he can say or do that escapes criticism. He is the goldfish in the glass bowl.

P

Wide World l'hotos

Harold ("Red") Grange

There is no peace in sight for this harassed soul until after the football season at the earliest. There is probably no lasting peace in sight until he has decided what his life-work is to be. Grange is human enough to believe that there is no reason why he should not capitalize his acquaintance when he has been graduated, and those who know him. best believe that he is seeking to do that with dignity. If he succeeds, it will be a fine achievement.

ERHAPS it may be supposed that

the title of this article refers to a brokerage settlement, or a bankruptcy settlement, or a settlement of a corner in stocks like that of the great panic arising from the Northern Pacific corner of 1901. But any reader who expects to get from me any useful information that will help him "to get rich quick" will be sadly disappointed. I propose to describe, not the moneymaking side of Wall Street, but its

money-giving side-its spirit of generosity, philanthropy, civic pride, and social service. That it has such a spirit will perhaps be a surprise to many. Wall Street is widely regarded in certain circles as a veritable sink of iniquity, as the plague spot in which all the evils of capitalism have their source. But those who know Wall Street men face to face, who work with them, play with them, and break bread with them, know that they are just like other men. Some of

them are selfish and grasping, but more

of them are generous, warm-hearted, and sincerely desirous of promoting the welfare of their community and their country. Perhaps the little story I am about to tell will throw some light on these good qualities.

New Yorkers familiar with the old maps of the city will remember that the Bowling Green was an open, parklike space at the foot of Broadway, near the Battery, which a hundred years ago was the center of the best residential district. The name Bowling Green is embalmed, if nowhere else, in a station on the subway. The region has now become a financial and shipping center and is filled with many splendid sky-scrapers. But on its fringes, along the East River and the North River, there are still left many antiquated tenement-houses, and when Wall Street goes home at night it leaves behind a population of eight or ten thousand men, women, and children who live in these tenement-houses. They are the longshoremen, janitors, caretakers, scrub women, small shop and stall keepers, bootblacks, and fruit venders and their families. There are a few public and parochial schools which are crowded to the doors. Three or four Protestant and Roman Catholic churches struggle to do their best, but nevertheless this tenement-house population, largely of foreigners, has been submerged and neg

lected.

About ten years ago a small group of Wall Street men formed an organization called the Bowling Green Neighborhood Association. Its purpose was stated as follows: "To foster co-operation among the various social agencies; to study the social and health problems of the district; and to endeavor to furnish a practical solution for the same." There was not, I believe, a single clergyman or professional philanthropist on the Board of Directors, although some lawyers and physicians became actively interested in it. It was an attempt of business men to do their duty as citizens. A house was hired in the midst of the tenements; a director or "settlement worker" and a trained nurse were engaged; a vacant lot was turned into a children's playground; and the neighborhood work was begun. In a quiet but businesslike way the little organization has now grown into a membership of nearly a thousand firms and individuals of the financial district. "A baby health station"-I quote from the last annual report-"was established, to