seal of human depravity, is nevertheless an additional proof of its having meliorated the condition of milkons even in its worse state. History informs us that all nations of antiquity, the Israelites not excepted, regarded the privelege either to kill or enslave their prisoners, as a right secured to them by the laws of war. The Gibeonites were enslaved by the special order of Joshua; the Assyrians and Babylonians followed the example, and Snaimanezar and Nebuchadnezzar with all ther evil propensities, preferred rather to enslave the tribes of Israel than destroy them. The Phoenicians and Carthagenians were governed by the same motives, and the Grecians, Trojans and others continued the hon of enslaving their captives. Thus when Julius Cesar nad closed his invasion against Britain, he trans ported his prist ners to Rome and sold them as slaves, sooner than put them to the sword. Paulus Emilius also transported 150,000 after the seige of Epirus ; and it is said that when Augustus Cesar had conqu 'red the Sahssii his noble spirit prompted him to inflict the mildest punishment on his captives that the laws of war would permit, and he accordingly sold them as slaves. in Africa also, where the horrors of war have been extended so far that it was customary for Kings and Princes to thatch their huts and walls with the bones of their captives, bondage with all its "moral inuity," has been the means of transporting millions w:.o would otherwise have fallen victims to the barbarity of man. And would it indeed have been better for those who were brought to the South to have been butchered in Africa or held there in bondage to more arusi inasters?

We cannot look at the history of me

African slave trade and mark with patience the part which the Abolitionists and their fathers performed in that tragic scene. It guilt be attached to the “act of transporting the poor sons of Africa from the home of their fathers," to them it belongs, and not to us * an 1 26, a Dutch vessel under authority from the British Government, brought the first Africans to the United States and sold them us slaves in Virginia. From that period the trade was continued under the sanction of his Britannic Majesty, until millions had been imported within his dominions In 1760, South Carolina, that native state of patriotism, virtue and eloquence passed an act in her colonial capacity interdicting the Trade in her i orts. Old England, by the voice of her Royal spirits spurned the act, and New England, by the voice of her compassionate sons responded, our ships are laden and ready for the Traffic. Thus was the trade continued; and so long as they could barter ther Rum for "the poor sons of Africa," it was an act of humanity to cram them in the filthy holes of their ships in such crowds, as to cause hundreds to perish on the way "from the home of their fathers"--but when they can no songer be benefitted by the trific, when they

* In the debate on the Missouri question, a Serator from South Carolina introduced in the Senate of the United States, a document from the Custom House of Chares to exhibiting the names and owners of vessels engaged in, the Air can slave trade. In readin the document, the name of De Wolfe was repeatedly called. De Wate was the senator elect of Rhode Island, was presant, but had not been qualified The Carolina Senator was called to order-order, order," echoed through the Serate Hail, "it is con rary to order to call the name of a Senator," said a distingul her yentleman The senator contended that he was not out of order, for the sena Rhie Island had not been qualified and consequently was not entitled to a ses - he appealed to the Chair; the Chair replied "you are correct, sir, proceed and proceed he did, calling the name of De Wolfe so often, that before he had finished the sun ent proving the honored gentleman the importer of three fourths of the "POOR AIR CANS Brought to the Charleston marke and the high souled Missouri Restrictionists the residue, the Rhode Island Abc it out bolved amid the sympathies of his comrades andone Bucers of the auditors. That Car Fua Senator is n the pitical frie 4 of a luss UI RESTRICTIONIST and of the class of Suchem C n Te mes who ha coee for the recepton of the Treasonable Pestions of the AboHuonists

TEMPORA-0, MORES,

see “the peer wretches" whom they sold in rags and savage ignorance, comfortably clothed and nurtured in the principles of christianity, then is discovered “a cloud of vengeance ready to pour its streams of fire on our beloved country because of the bonds of the poor slaves" whom they brought in fetters from he coast of Africa. "Something must be done to avert the awful calamity," says one; "we must wage an ex-, terminating war against the accursed sin of slavery," cries the holy Priest, with the price of his slaves in his pocket-"yes, we must send an embassador to the Throne of his Britannic Majesty to negociate an alliance in the holy war arc," says another godly Friest, "for if our Republic cannot stand but upon the necks of two millions of my fellow beings-1 t it fall, let it fall, though I be crushed beneath it.” * Pious souls!!! could they prevail on the noble friends of Liberty and of the Union at the North, to heed their admonitions, how soon would we realize the horrors of a civil war.

These compassionate friends of these "two millions of fellow beings" desire to have them exported to "the beloved home of their fathers," and Parke in his travels in Africa, informs us that there is no section of the Globe which exhibits such appalling pictures of slavery as this beloved home of their fathers, nor is there a country to be found where liberty is less valued or suspended on more fortuitous circumstances. There the fate of war seals the destiny of the captive, and if we add famine, says he, to the unceasing and bloody conflicts which prevail throughout Africa, these constitute the fruitful and endless sources of that cruel bondage * See the Rev. Mr. May's Disertation on the Abolition of Slavery.

with which millions of its inhabitants are oppressed. During the years of scarcity which frequently occur, great numbers are seen surrendering their liberty to save their lives; and as large families are generally the more exposed to absolute want, it is not uncommon to see children sold by their parents to purchase provisions for the rest of the family. Bruce in his travels in Africa, also testifies to the truth of these statements, and gives the most appalling picture of its walking skeletons, and of the lawless rapine which every where prevail during those years of scarcity. To export our slaves to such a country where misery abounds, and where life and liberty are suspended on the whims of savage kings, may be an act of the kindest charity in the estimation of the benevolent Abolitionists, but in the opinion of their masters, it would be such an act of inhumanity as would have brought upon the slave owners of Ephesus and Colosse, the reprobation of the Saviour and his Apostles.

We will now proceed to examine the practicability of the schemes which have been devised by the compassionate friends of our slaves for their emancipation and to present them in the most favorable point of view, we will suppose that their holy embassador had returned from his Majesty's kingdom with the glad tidings of a happy revolution of the laws of nature and barbarism in Africa-that the Apocalyptic Angel of Mercy had visited the country and at his appearance disease and rapine hid their ghastly faces and the din of war and rumours of wars had ceased to be heardthat he produced credentials of the fact, under the seal of his royal Majesty and witnessed by the sainted

Thompson-that he also produced testimonials from the Queen of Spain stating that through her agency the Court of Madrid had formed an alliance with the republics of South America, to which was appended their most solemn asseverations, that the annual importation of 100,000 Africans within their dominions should now and forever cease, and if "the Southern kidnappers" would consent to have their slaves exported to Africa, not a hair of their heads should be touched-under such auspicious circumstances, we will suppose that they assent to the proposition provided they be paid a reasonable price for their slaves, and that the Government and the Abolitionists agree to the terms-now let us see whether their united energies will be adequate to the task of exporting them to" the home of their fathers." The number of slaves in the United States is estimated at 2,400,000—the average price could not be less than 300 dollars add to this the expense of transportation and support until they could clear and cultivate a sufficiency of land to support themselves, 100 dollars more; this increas es the price of each slave to 400 dollars-2,400,000 slaves would therefore cost the General Government and the Abolitionists 960,000,000 of dollars. withstanding many princely fortunes may be found among the followers of Tappan, we fancy that before one tenth of that amount was paid, there would be such a scarcity of cash in their pockets and of' spoils' in the Treasury, as to produce more doleful lamentations in Congress than were ever uttered there for the fate of our slaves.

Not

But it is said by some, "we do not propose to export