them immediately-the work must be gradual." Professor Dew in his learned and masterly review of the debate in the Virginia Legislature on this subject, has proven with mathematical accuracy the impossibility of effecting the object even in this way. The annual increase of our black population is at least 100,000, and this number is proposed to be sent off, so as to prevent an increase of the original stock. Here is at once the enormous sum of 40,000,000 of dollars to be paid annually, and at the expiration of a hundred years, the original stock of 2,400,00 would remain to be exported. And "long, very long, says Professor Dew, before the colony in Africa could receive even the increase of this accumulating capital, its recipient would be checked by the limitation of territory and the rapid filling up of the population, both by emigration and natural increase. King Canute the Dane, seated on the sea shore and ordering the rising flood to recede from his royal feet, was not guilty of more vanity and presumption than the Government of the United States would manifest, in the vain effort of removing and colonizing the annual increase of our blacks. So far from doing it, they would not be able to send off a number sufficiently great to check even the geometrical rate of increase." The colony in Liberia, after all the efforts of its friends for nearly twenty years, contains perhaps, not more than 3000 inhabitants; and the Rev. Mr. Bacon, one of its most zealous supporters, declared in a speech before the Colonization Society, that "the additional number of 1000 landing at once, might ruin the colony." Again, we are told by Mr. Ashmun, the friend and agent of the colony,

that "rice does not grow spontaneously in Liberia, and laborious men accompanied only with their natural proportion of inefficients must be sent there, lest the inhabitants be reduced to want"-and he further advises that "inefficient laborers should be kept in America where they can do something by picking out cotton or stemming tobacco, towards supporting themselves." Thus we see with all the fine things that have been told us of that "Asylum of Liberty"—it is no place for such slaves as can only pick out cotton and stem tobacco, nor is there space nor means within its borders, for the support of one-ninetieth part of the annual increase of our slaves.

If with these facts we take into consideration the mortality which has always attended the settlement of Colonies, we will at once perceive the benovolence of the scheme of colonizing the blacks. Professor Dew remarks that one of the greatest attempts at colonization in modern times, was the effort of the French to plant 12,000 emigrants on the coast of Guiana. The consequence was, that in a very short time 10,000 of them lost their lives in all the horrors of despair2,000 returned to France-the scheme failed and 25, 000,000 of Francs, says Raynal, were totally lost. Seventy five thousand christians, says Mr. Eaton in his account of the Turkish Empire, were expelled by Russia from the Crimea and repaired to the country deserted by the Nogai Tartars-and in a few years 7,000 only remained. In like manner if 100,000 Negroes with careless and filthy habits were annually sent off to the insalubrious clime of Africa, what would be their fate? In 1787 the British planted a Colony

of negroes in Sierra Leone-The intemperance and imprudence of the emigrants brought on a mortality which reduced the number nearly one half the first year, and after a lapse of twenty years, their rights and possessions were surrendered to the British Crown. During the brief period of its existence, says Mr. Dew, "it has been visited by all the plagues that Colonial establishments are heir to. It has been cursed with intemperance, desertion, civil wars and insurrections. It has experienced famines, and suffered insult and pillage. Its numbers have been thinned by the blighting climate of Africa, and it has been continually engaged in wars with the neighboring African tribes"-Colombia and Gautemala have tried the dangerous experiment of Colonization, and Mr. Dunn has given the following picture of the latter-" With a colored population drunken and revengeful, her females licentious, and her males shameless, she ranks as a true child of that accursed city which still remains as a living monument of the fulfilment of prophecy and of every unclean and hateful bird. Not a day passes without murder-on fast days and on Sundays, the average number killed is from four to five. From the number admitted in the Hospital of St. Juan de Dios in the year 1827 near 1500 were stabbed, of whom from three to four hundred died." With these and many other instances of the hazardous schemes of Colonization which stand in "bold relief" before the eyes of the compassionate Abolitionists, they seem determined to wage a perpetual warfare against the happy condition of our slaves.

But we had almost forgotton to mention another of

their benevolent schemes. Some have suggested the plan of "taking off the breeding portion of the slaves to Africa, or carrying away the sexes in such disproportions as will in a measure prevent those left behind from breeding:" All these plans says Professor Dew, "merit nothing more than the appellation of vain juggling conceits, unworthy of a moral man. If our slaves are to be sent away in any systematic manner, humanity demands that they should be sent in families. The voice of the world would condemn us if we sanctioned any plan of deportation by which the male and female, husband and wife, parent and child, were systematically and relentlessly separated." If the compassionate feelings of the Abolitionists prompt them to choose this method to regulate "the moral evil of slavery" they had better adopt the plan suggested by the learned Professor, of keeping the male and female separate in ergastula or dungeons, and then when one generation will pass away, the moral evil will cease of itself-leaving them the pleasing reflection of being sustained in the humane and merciful scheme of its destruction, if not by "the Scriptures of the New Testament," at least by the counsel of Xenophon in his Economics and the practice of Cato and Censor.

With this brief view of the impracticability of the schemes of emancipation, we beg leave to remark that from the days of the Patriarchs to the present period, whether from choice, necessity or misfortune, at least two thirds of mankind have been working for the rest; and whether they toil in the capacities of hirelings or bond-servants, so long as man is clothed with mor

tality, this state of things will exist. Now the question occurs, which state is best adapted to the capacities and wants of the negro? To ascertain this important point of our argument, we must resort to comparisons. We have already spoken of the wretched condition of the colonists in Sierra Leone and Gautemala, and if we add the free blacks of Hayti to the number, the aggregate amount of their miseries will be diminished but little. And who cannot perceive that their condition is infinitely worse than the slaves of the most cruel owners! But we will not confine our comparison to persons of their own color and habits---In England, Ireland, Wales and Scotland, where it is said the benign influence of christianity has driven domestic slavery "to a more savage clime," the generous and benevolent lords of the soil exact such exorbitant rents from the Peasantry as to compel much the larger portion of them to feed all the year on oatmeal and potatoes and frequently without salt-and when bowed under the weight of years and infirmity, they are exported either to the "land of slavery" to be fed by the hand of charity, or suffered to pine under the griping pangs of hunger, in "the land of Liberty" In Poland the fate of the laboring class is still worse, and it should not be forgotton that their miseries have been increased since their personal liberty was granted them. Through the agency of Stanislaus Augustus, that boon was conferred in 1791, and so far from its proving a blessing to the peasantry, it has proven a curse, both with regard to its influence on their morals and their means of subsistence. They are in fact still slaves, says Burnett in his view