English as well as for Dutch, a few days later. This rambling chapter shall end with it, and with the memorable episode of the Kaiser's telegram. The blunder of one hot-head had cleft a chasm between Dutch and English South Africa. The blunder of another hot-head was the one lucky stroke in those disastrous first few days of 1896 that for a moment closed the chasm up again. In pursuance of the subterranean intrigue with Germany, referred to in Chapter I., Dr. Leyds was, at the very moment when the crisis came, hanging about the Court of Berlin on a mission diplomatically described as "consulting German specialists about his throat." His state of mind when the cable reported the raid may be imagined. Had the revolution succeeded there was an end of him and his Hollanders in the Transvaal. If it failed there were fine times coming. The moment offered a supreme chance of completing the German entanglement. Exactly what passed between Dr. Leyds and the Kaiser is not known. What is known is that on Monday, the 30th December, a Member of the Executive Council of the Transvaal solemnly informed the British Agent at Pretoria that assistance had been asked from Germany, he added also from France. President Kruger has since stigmatized this statement of one of his own officials as a dastardly lie, and the only plausible explanation of it must be one which removes the onus of making the request from official Pretoria to the State Secretary's unofficial pranks at Berlin. However this may be, the German Consul and the German Foreign Office did agree by cable on the landing of certain German marines from Delagoa Bay, of course only "for protection of German interests," interests which have lately been expanded officially into a veto inter alia on any South African federation. The German Government did apply for leave to pass these troops through Portuguese territory, and the Portuguese Government did refuse that leave. Lastly, no sooner was Jameson defeated than there was given to the world this telegram :

"I tender you my sincere congratulations that without appealing to the help of friendly Powers you and your people have been successful in opposing with your own forces the armed bands that have broken into your country to disturb the peace, in restoring order, and in maintaining the independence of your country against attacks from without.

"WILHELM I.R."

The publication of this officious message, with its hint about the help of other Powers being available in a matter where the Paramount Power had intervened, coming at a moment when feeling was very sore and tender, aroused a storm of anger. The Emperor was amazed at the fire he had kindled. It was only for a moment, if at all, that Dutch opinion wavered. Ons Land, a mischievous Dutch organ at the Cape, alone had an article palliating the attempt of Germany "to look after her own interests" in the Transvaal, and the Transvaal policy of playing off Germany against England. The Cape Times at once drew attention to this, and appealed to Mr. Hofmeyr, as the recognised leader of the party of which Ons Land aspires to be the organ, to speak out and disown the heresy, and Mr. Hofmeyr at once addressed this letter to the Editor :

:

"Allow me, in connection with your leader of this morning, to say publicly what I have repeatedly stated to friends privately ever since Kaiser Wilhelm's blundering utterances on recent South African occur. rences became known.

"I took his interference as mere bluster, not deserving any serious consideration, except in so far as it was calculated to create misleading impressions, or to raise false hopes in the Transvaal. Nobody knows better than His Imperial Majesty that the first German shot fired against England would be likely to be followed by a combined French and Russian attack on 'das Vaterland,' and by the acquisition by England of all German colonies, Damaraland included, which would not be an unmixed evil for the Cape."

From that moment the attitude of Dutch South Africa was beyond a doubt, and Dutch and English united in Mr. Hofmeyr's imperative "Hands off!"

This was the bitterest pill of all that were prescribed for the Kaiser's telegram. It was not till some months afterwards that speeches of the German Foreign Minister, and a published White Book, revealed the fact that Germany's half-avowed denial of British Paramountcy in South Africa included a claim to object to any such South African Customs Union as has been the avowed ideal of South African and British statesmen for many years! In January the practical reply to the LeydsBerlin intrigue and the vapourings of the German Press was the prompt commissioning of a special service squadron ("for Delagoa Bay," was the popular guess) in readiness to reinforce any of the fleets already in commission or to constitute a separate force to be sent in any direction where danger might exist. The new squadron, which was placed under command of Rear-Admiral A. T. Dale, was composed of two first-class battleships, the Revenge and Royal Oak, the two first-class cruisers Gibraltar and Thesus, and the two second-class cruisers Charybdis and Hermione—all vessels of recent design and powerful armament, together with a flotilla of torpedo boat destroyers; all duly assembled at Spithead on the 18th January, in complete readiness to proceed to sea. and rapidity with which the dockyard authorities at Portsmouth and Chatham fitted out this squadron without any fuss or special preparation was regarded at the time as showing that our resources in officers and men are larger than some critics have contended, and was quoted as a proof of a vast improvement in naval organization of recent years. At the same time the staff of artisans in Her Majesty's dockyards was largely augmented, and tenders were invited from private shipbuilding firms for the construction and immediate commencement of ten additional cruisers. The diplomatic situation soon simmered down, but popular excitement continued long after the slightest danger of a rupture had passed away, and the scenes in the London theatres and music halls, where jingoism of a very pronounced type held high carnival, forcibly recalled the popular frenzies about Russia and Constantinople.

The ease

TH

Chapter XVII

PICKING UP THE BROKEN CROCKERY

HE pre-occupation of British Transvaal diplomacy for the first few months of 1896 was with an invitation to President Kruger to come to England in state in a British man-o'-war, and have a square talk with Mr. Chamberlain. The invitation arose from the usual "authorized" misunderstandings about the President's own wishes, and the answer to it was for months regarded as the battle-ground of Afrikanders versus Hollanders, the former wanting the President to go, the latter resisting a step which might lead to a friendly settlement. Finally, when the Government had kept the matter hanging on to an insulting length of time, Mr. Chamberlain insisted on "Yes" or No," and, Dr. Leyds having returned in the nick of time from Germany and Holland, the Hollanders won and the answer was No."

66

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The following was, in brief, the course of the negotiations :

that but other

"The original invitation to the President in January distinctly mentioned the condition that Article IV. of the London Convention (making Transvaal treaties with foreign States subject to British veto) was to be exIcluded from the discussion. This Mr. Chamberlain reiterated. 'You should,' he telegraphs a week later to the High Commissioner, in order to prevent the possibility of any mistake, repeat the statements we cannot consent to modify the terms of Article IV., matters are open to friendly discussion.' The President was inclined to accept the invitation, if he could get the non possumus about Clause IV. made not quite as absolute, and if a number of questions of his choice were allowed to enter into the discussion, and assurance being given that they would be maturely considered with an earnest desire to comply with his wishes.' Of these questions he sent on the 25th February a portentous list. His first item was :

"The superseding of the Convention of London, with the eye, amongst others, on the violation of the territory of the South African Republic: because in several respects it has already virtually ceased to exist; because, in other respects, it has no more cause for existence; because it is injurious to the dignity of an independent Republic; because the very name and the continual arguments on the question of suzerainty, which since the conclusion of this Convention no longer exists, are used as a pretext, especially by a libellous Press, for wilfully inciting both white and coloured people against the lawful authority of the Republic; for intentionally bringing about misunderstanding and false relations between England and the Republic, whereby in this manner the interests of both countries and of their citizens and subjects are prejudiced, and the peaceful development of the Republic is opposed.'

"To this he added a new plea that Article IV. should not be excluded 'on account,' as he surmises, of false representations and lying reports spread by the Press and otherwise to the effect that the Government of the Republic has called in or sought the protection of other Powers.' He denied that he had ever sought or would ever seek' any such thing. He was prepared to 'give the necessary assurances.' (It was not the Press, by the way, but a member of the Executive Council, who 'spread' this particular calumny by telling the British Agent. It is easy to reconcile the statement and the denial when it is remembered that Dr. Leyds was at Berlin at the time). (2) The second item was the replacing of the Convention by something vaguely described as a treaty of amity and commerce, in which, however, England was to get guaranteed on the most favoured nation footing only her existing privileges Guarantees against any future raid, also against police or even private movements on the border of the Republic. (4) Compensation for the raid. (5) Swaziland to be made part and parcel of the Republic. (6) Ditto as regards Zambaan's land. (7) Ditto as regards Umbegisa's land. (8) Revocation of the B.S.A. Company's Charter. This modest little bill President Kruger thought should be footed without grumbling because he is such an old man: considering especially my advanced age,' etc. But he was careful to leave an opening for adding a few more dishes to his Barmec de menu, if he should happen to think of anything later. 'The contents of this letter are without prejudice to an eventual statement in detail of lawful rights.'

of commerce.' (3) unlawful' military or

"When Mr. Chamberlain got this remarkable draft agenda for the little 'friendly discussion' that he had so innocently proposed, his comment was evidently Phew!' What Oom Paul wanted to get was clear indeed but he scoured it in vain for any hint of what Oom Paul proposed to give. All that Mr. Chamberlain had suggested on this side was the consideration of the 'Uitlanders'' grievances; and this the letter ruled out-save for a