Public works, it may be noted, is largely a Hollander euphemism for forts and their appurtenances; so that the total outlay on military preparations amounts to over a million and a half sterling, or more than a quarter of the whole estimated expenditure for the year.

The Transvaal Volksraad during a prolonged session turned out the expected lot of retrogressive and coercive legislation. As against one good thing done for the mining industry (a Liquor Law not yet operative), there have been an almost Russian Press Law, and an Uitlander Expulsion Law and Uitlander Immigration Law, which both look like violating the London Convention. In December, however, the President at a banquet made a speech, warmly protesting his intention to uphold that instrument as a bulwark of the Republic: a volte face which, despite the busy warlike preparations, made the year close in a feeling of greater serenity.

In January, 1897, Mr. Rhodes returned to England, which he had visited for a week just after the crisis, in order to face a Select Committee of the House of Commons, re-appointed from the last session to enquire into the origin of the raid, and the administration of the Chartered Company, and report on its future.

Since such an enquiry was first promised, early last year, Mr. Rhodes' star had come once more into the ascendant. So far, the steps taken against him had been confined to accepting his resignation of the Managing Directorship of the Chartered Company, and sending an Imperial officer, Sir Richard Martin, to take over the Company's police and military administration. But Mr. Rhodes "in his shirt," as Mr. Stead put it, was still Mr. Rhodes. The man who, as Mr. Chamberlain had reminded a sympathetic House, "could not move a single policeman," when he went back to the veld shorn of all his offices, nevertheless rallied the settlers and made peace with the rebel Matabele at the famous indaba. Wherever he passed through in the Colony on his way home, Mr. Rhodes had an unprecedented popular reception, in which, strange

270 THE STORY OF AN AFRICAN CRISIS

to say, a distinct Dutch element took part; and he now confronts the inquiry with British South Africa solidly at his back in an enthusiasm which has created a new South African situation.

DR. JAMESON,

DEAR SIR,-The position of matters in this State has become so critical that we are assured that at no distant period there will be conflict between the Government and the Uitlander population. It is scarcely necessary for us to recapitulate what is now matter of history. Suffice it to say, that the position of thousands of Englishmen and others is rapidly becoming intolerable. Not satisfied with making the Uitlander population pay, virtually, the whole of the revenue of the country, while denying them representation, the policy of the Government has been steadily to encroach upon the liberty of the subject, and to undermine the security for property to such an extent as to cause a very deep-seated sense of discontent and danger.

A foreign corporation of Hollanders is, to a considerable extent, controlling our destinies, and, in conjunction with the Boer leaders, endeavouring to cast them in a mould which is wholly foreign to the genius of the people. Every public act betrays the most positive hostility, not only to everything English, but to the neighbouring States as well. In short, the internal policy of the Government is such as to have roused into antagonism to it not only, practically, the whole body of Uitlanders, but a large number of the Boers; while its external policy has exasperated the

1 Date left blank in original. Filled in by Dr. Wolff.

neighbouring States, causing the possibility of great danger to the peace and independence of this Republic.

Public feeling is in a condition of smouldering discontent. All the petitions of the people have been refused with a greater or less degree of contempt, and, in the debate on the franchise petition, signed by nearly 40,000 people, one member challenged the Uitlanders to fight for the rights they asked for, and not a single member spoke against him.

Not to go into detail, we may say that the Government has called into existence all the elements necessary for armed conflict. The one desire of the people here is for fair play, the maintenance of their independence, and the preservation of those public liberties without which life is not worth having. The Government denies these things and violates the national sense of Englishmen at every turn.

What we have to consider is, what will be the condition of things here in the event of conflict?

Thousands of unarmed men, women, and children of our race will be at the mercy of well-armed Boers; while property of enormous value will be in the greatest peril. We cannot contemplate the future without the gravest apprehension, and feel that we are justified in taking any steps to prevent the shedding of blood, and to ensure the protection of our rights.

It is under these circumstances that we feel constrained to call upon you to come to our aid should disturbance arise here.

The circumstances are so extreme that we cannot avoid this step, and we cannot but believe that you, and the men under you, will not fail to come to the rescue of people who would be so situated. We guarantee any expense that may reasonably be incurred by you in helping us, and ask you to believe that nothing but the sternest necessity has prompted this appeal.

We are yours faithfully,

(Signed) CHARLES LEONARD.

FRANCIS RHODES.

LIONEL PHILLIPS.

JOHN HAYS HAMMOND.

GEORGE FARRAR.

APPENDIX II

THE NATIONAL UNION MANIFESTO1

IF I am deeply sensible of the honour conferred upon me by being elected Chairman of the National Union, I am profoundly impressed with the responsibilities attached to the position. The issues to be faced in this country are so momentous in character that it has been decided that, prior to the holding of a public meeting, a review of the condition of affairs should be placed in your hands, in order that you may consider matters quietly in your homes. It has also been decided that it will be wise to postpone the meeting which was to have taken place on the 27th December until the 6th day of January next.

On that day you will have made up your minds on the various points submitted to you, and we will ask you for direction as to our future course of action. It is almost unnecessary to recount all the steps which have been taken by the National Union, and I shall, therefore, confine myself to a very short review of what has been done.

THE THREE PLANKS.

The constitution of the National Union is very simple. The three objects which we set before ourselves are: (1) The Maintenance of the Independence of the Republic; (2) The Securing of Equal Rights; and (3) the Redress of Grievances. This brief but comprehensive programme has never been lost sight of, and I think we may challenge contradiction fearlessly when we assert that we have constitutionally, respectfully, and steadily prosecuted our purpose. Last year you will remember a respectful petition, praying for the franchise, signed by 13,000 men, was received with

1 Given as it appeared in a Cape Times' telegram of 27th December, 1895, retaining the newspaper paragraph headings,